by Grace Griggs

Source: http://www.mountvernon.org/education/primary-sources-2/article/circular-to-the-states-george-washington-to-the-states-june-8-1783/

There are four things, which I humbly conceive, are essential to the well being, I may even venture to say, to the existence of the United States as an Independent Power:

1st. An indissoluble Union of the States under one Federal Head.

2dly. A Sacred regard to Public Justice.

3dly. The adoption of a proper Peace Establishment, and

4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly Disposition, among the People of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies, to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity, and in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the Community.

These are the Pillars on which the glorious Fabrick of our Independency and National Character must be supported; Liberty is the Basis, and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the Structure, under whatever specious pretexts he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration, and the severest punishment which can be inflicted by his injured Country.

On the three first Articles I will make a few observations, leaving the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those immediately concerned.

Under the first head, altho’ it may not be necessary or proper for me in this place to enter into a particular disquisition of the principles of the Union, and to take up the great question which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite for the States to delegate a larger proportion of Power to Congress, or not, Yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true Patriot, to assert without reserve, and to insist upon the following positions, That unless the States will suffer Congress to exercise those prerogatives, they are undoubtedly invested with by the Constitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to Anarchy and confusion, That it is indispensable to the happiness of the individual States, that there should be lodged somewhere, a Supreme Power to regulate and govern the general concerns of the Confederated Republic, without which the Union cannot be of long duration. That there must be a faithfull and pointed compliance on the part of every State, with the late proposals and demands of Congress, or the most fatal consequences will ensue, That whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve the Union, or contribute to violate or lessen the Sovereign Authority, ought to be considered as hostile to the Liberty and Independency of America, and the Authors of them treated accordingly, and lastly, that unless we can be enabled by the concurrence of the States, to participate of the fruits of the Revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of Civil Society, under a form of Government so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against the danger of oppression, as has been devised and adopted by the Articles of Confederation, it will be a subject of regret, that so much blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose, that so many sufferings have been encountered without a compensation, and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain. Many other considerations might here be adduced to prove, that without an entire conformity to the Spirit of the Union, we cannot exist as an Independent Power; it will be sufficient for my purpose to mention but one or two which seem to me of the greatest importance. It is only in our united Character as an Empire, that our Independence is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or our Credit supported among Foreign Nations. The Treaties of the European Powers with the United States of America, will have no validity on a dissolution of the Union. We shall be left nearly in a state of Nature, or we may find by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and necessary progression, from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of Tyranny; and that arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of Liberty abused to licentiousness.

By Ben Payne

Source: http://www.mountvernon.org/george-washington/the-revolutionary-war/articles-of-capitulation-yorktown-1781/

Written by Samuel Shaw, aide de camp for Henry Knox, terms negotiated by George Washington, Lord Cornwallis, and others

ARTICLE I. The garrisons of York and Gloucester including the officers and seamen of his Britannic Majesty’s ships, as well as other mariners, to surrender themselves prisoners of war to the combined forces of America and France. The land troops to remain prisoners to the United States, the navy to the naval army of his Most Christian Majesty.
Granted.

Article II. The artillery, arms, accoutrements, military chest, and public stores of every denomination, shall be delivered unimpaired to the heads of departments appointed to receive them.
Granted.

Article III. At twelve o’clock this day the two redoubts on the left flank of York to be delivered, the one to a detachment of American infantry, the other to a detachment of French grenadiers.
Granted.

The garrison of York will march out to a place to be appointed in front of the posts, at two o’clock precisely, with shouldered arms, colors cased, and drums beating a British or German march. They are then to ground their arms, and return to their encampments, where they will remain until they are despatched to the places of their destination. Two works on the Gloucester side will be delivered at one o’clock to a detachment of French and American troops appointed to possess them. The garrison will march out at three o’clock in the afternoon; the cavalry with their swords drawn, trumpets sounding, and the infantry in the manner prescribed for the garrison of York. They are likewise to return to their encampments until they can be finally marched off.

Article IV. Officers are to retain their side-arms. Both officers and soldiers to keep their private property of every kind; and no part of their baggage or papers to be at any time subject to search or inspection. The baggage and papers of officers and soldiers taken during the siege to be likewise preserved for them.
Granted.

It is understood that any property obviously belonging to the inhabitants of these States, in the possession of the garrison, shall be subject to be reclaimed.

Article V. The soldiers to be kept in Virginia, Maryland, or Pennsylvania, and as much by regiments as possible, and supplied with the same rations of provisions as are allowed to soldiers in the service of America. A field-officer from each nation, to wit, British, Anspach, and Hessian, and other officers on parole, in the proportion of one to fifty men to be allowed to reside near their respective regiments, to visit them frequently, and be witnesses of their treatment; and that their officers may receive and deliver clothing and other necessaries for them, for which passports are to be granted when applied for.
Granted.

Article VI. The general, staff, and other officers not employed as mentioned in the above articles, and who choose it, to be permitted to go on parole to Europe, to New York, or to any other American maritime posts at present in the possession of the British forces, at their own option; and proper vessels to be granted by the Count de Grasse to carry them under flags of truce to New York within ten days from this date, if possible, and they to reside in a district to be agreed upon hereafter, until they embark. The officers of the civil department of the army and navy to be included in this article. Passports to go by land to be granted to those to whom vessels cannot be furnished.
Granted.

Article VII. Officers to be allowed to keep soldiers as servants, according to the common practice of the service. Servants not soldiers are not to be considered as prisoners, and are to be allowed to attend their masters.
Granted.

Article VIII. The Bonetta sloop-of-war to be equipped, and navigated by its present captain and crew, and left entirely at the disposal of Lord Cornwallis from the hour that the capitulation is signed, to receive an aid-de-camp to carry despatches to Sir Henry Clinton; and such soldiers as he may think proper to send to New York, to be permitted to sail without examination. When his despatches are ready, his Lordship engages on his part, that the ship shall be delivered to the order of the Count de Grasse, if she escapes the dangers of the sea. That she shall not carry off any public stores. Any part of the crew that may be deficient on her return, and the soldiers passengers, to be accounted for on her delivery.

 

…..

Done at Yorktown, in Virginia, October 19th, 1781.

Cornwallis,
Thomas Symonds.

Done in the Trenches before Yorktown, in Virginia, October 19th, 1781.
George Washington,
Le Comte de Rochambeau,
Le Comte de Barras,
En mon nom & celui du
Comte de Grasse.

By : Clarisa Colton

Source: https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-21-02-0138-0002

The document I chose is an excerpt from The “Reynolds Pamphlet”, written by Alexander Hamilton.

Transcription:

The charge against me is a connection with one James Reynolds for purposes of improper pecuniary speculation ^[1]. My real crime is an amorous connection with his wife, for a considerable time with his privity and connivance, if not originally brought on by a combination between the husband and wife with the design to extort money from me ^[2].

This confession is not made without a blush ^[3]. I cannot be the apologist of any vice because the ardour of passion may have made it mine ^[4]. I can never cease to condemn myself for the pang, which it may inflict in a bosom eminently intitled to all my gratitude, fidelity and love ^[5]. But that bosom will approve, that even at so great an expence, I should effectually wipe away a more serious stain from a name, which it cherishes with no less elevation than tenderness ^[6]. The public too will I trust excuse the confession. The necessity of it to my defence against a more heinous charge ^[7] could alone have extorted from me so painful an indecorum.

Before I proceed to an exhibition of the positive proof which repels the charge, I shall analize the documents from which it is deduced, and I am mistaken if with discerning and candid minds more would be necessary ^[8]. But I desire to obviate the suspicions of the most suspicious ^[9].

The first reflection which occurs on a perusal of the documents is that it is morally impossible I should have been foolish as well as depraved enough to employ so vile an instrument as Reynolds for such insignificant ends ^[10], as are indicated by different parts of the story itself. My enemies to be sure have kindly pourtrayed me as another Chartres ^[11] on the score of moral principle. But they have been ever bountiful in ascribing to me talents ^[12]. It has suited their purpose to exaggerate such as I may possess, and to attribute to them an influence to which they are not intitled ^[13]. But the present accusation imputes to me as much folly as wickedness ^[14]. All the documents shew, and it is otherwise matter of notoriety, that Reynolds was an obscure, unimportant and profligate man ^[15]. Nothing could be more weak, because nothing could be more unsafe than to make use of such an instrument; to use him too without any intermediate agent more worthy of confidence who might keep me out of sight ^[16], to write him numerous letters recording the objects of the improper connection (for this is pretended and that the letters were afterwards burnt at my request) to unbosom myself to him with a prodigality of confidence, by very unnecessarily telling him, as he alleges, of a connection in speculation between myself and Mr. Duer ^[17]. It is very extraordinary, if the head of the money department of a country, being unprincipled enough to sacrifice his trust and his integrity, could not have contrived objects of profit sufficiently large to have engaged the co-operation of men of far greater importance than Reynolds ^[18], and with whom there could have been due safety, and should have been driven to the necessity of unkennelling such a reptile to be the instrument of his cupidity ^[19].

But, moreover, the scale of the concern with Reynolds, such as it is presented, is contemptibly narrow  for a rapacious speculating secretary ^[20] of the treasury. Clingman, Reynolds and his wife were manifestly in very close confidence ^[21] with each other. It seems there was a free communication of secrets ^[22]. Yet in clubbing their different items of information as to the supplies of money which Reynolds received from me, what do they amount to ^[23] ? Clingman states, that Mrs. Reynolds told him, that at a certain time her husband had received from me upwards of eleven hundred dollars ^[24]. A note is produced which shews that at one time fifty dollars were sent to him, and another note is produced, by which and the information of Reynolds himself through Clingman, it appears that at another time 300 dollars were asked and refused. Another sum of 200 dollars is spoken of by Clingman as having been furnished to Reynolds at some other time ^[25].What a scale of speculation is this for the head of a public treasury, for one who in the very publication that brings forward the charge is represented as having procured to be funded at forty millions a debt which ought to have been discharged at ten or fifteen millions for the criminal purpose of enriching himself and his friends ^[26]? He must have been a clumsy knave, if he did not secure enough of this excess of twenty five or thirty millions, to have taken away all inducement to risk his character in such bad hands and in so huckstering a way—or to have enabled him, if he did employ such an agent, to do it with more means and to better purpose ^[27]. It is curious, that this rapacious secretary should at one time have furnished his speculating agent with the paltry sum of fifty dollars, at another, have refused him the inconsiderable sum of 300 dollars, declaring upon his honor that it was not in his power to furnish it ^[28]. This declaration was true or not; if the last the refusal ill comports with the idea of a speculating connection—if the first, it is very singular that the head of the treasury engaged without scruple in schemes of profit should have been destitute of so small a sum ^[29]. But if we suppose this officer to be living upon an inadequate salary, without any collateral pursuits of gain, the appearances then are simple and intelligible enough, applying to them the true key ^[30].

[Read more…]

By: Zac Frederick

Title: George Washington’s Farewell Address

Author: George Washington

Date of Origin: September 19, 1796

[5] The acceptance of, & continuance hitherto in, the Office to which your Suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn.

…

[27] The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissention, which in different ages & countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders & miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security & repose in the absolute power of an Individual: and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.

…

[37] In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular Nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded; and that in place of them just & amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one Nation against another–disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate envenomed and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill will & resentment sometimes impels to War the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the Nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition and other sinister & pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Liberty, of Nations has been the victim.

…

[45] ‘Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent Alliances, with any portion of the foreign World–So far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it–for let me not be understood as capable of patronising infidility to existing engagements, (I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy)–I repeat it therefore, Let those engagements. be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Source: https://context.montpelier.org/document/715#passage-37 (ConText Database)

By Jake Smith

 

Document(s) chosen for project: Letters between Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr regarding their duel

Original source: Hamilton-Burr Duel Correspondance

Transcription:

N York 20 June 1804

 

Sir,

I have maturely reflected on the subject of your letter of the 18th Instant, and the more I have reflected, the more I have become convinced that I could not without manifest impropriety make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think necessary.

The clause pointed out by Mr. Van Ness is in these terms: “I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion which General Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr.” To endeavor to discover the meaning of this declaration, I was obliged to seek in the antecedent part of the letter for the opinion to which it referred, as having been already disclosed. I found it in these words: “Genl. Hamilton and Judge Kent have declared in substance that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man, and one who ought not to be trusted with the reins of Government.” The language of Dr. Cooper plainly implies that he considered this opinion of you, which he attributes to me, as a despicable one; but he affirms that I have expressed some other still more despicable; without, however, mentioning to whom, when or where. ‘Tis evident that the phrase “still more despicable” admits of infinite shades from very light to very dark. How am I to judge of the degree intended. Or how should I annex any precise idea to language so vague?

Between Gentlemen despicable and still more despicable are not worth the pains of a distinction. When, therefore, you do not interrogate me as to the opinion which is specifically ascribed to me, I must conclude that you view it as within the limits to which the animadversions of political opponents, upon each other, may justifiably extend; and consequently as not warranting the idea of it which Dr. Cooper appears to entertain. If so, what precise inference could you draw as a guide for your future conduct, were I to acknowledge that I had expressed an opinion of you, still more despicable than the one which is particularized? How could you be sure that even this opinion had exceeded the bounds which you would yourself deem admissible between political opponents?

But I forbear further comment on the embarrassment to which the requisition you have made naturally leads. The occasion forbids a more ample illustration, though nothing would be more easy than to pursue it.

Repeating that I can not reconcile it with propriety to make the acknowledgment or denial you desire, I will add that I deem it inadmissible on principle, to consent to be interrogated as to the justness of the inferences which may be drawn by others, from whatever I may have said of a political opponent in the course of a fifteen years competition. If there were no other objection to it, this is sufficient, that it would tend to expose my sincerity and delicacy to injurious imputations from every person who may at any time have conceived that import of my expressions differently from what I may then have intended, or may afterwards recollect.

I stand ready to avow or disavow promptly and explicitly any precise or definite opinion which I may be charged with having declared to any gentleman. More than this can not fitly be expected from me; and especially it can not reasonably be expected that I shall enter into an explanation upon a basis so vague as that which you have adopted. I trust upon more reflection you will see the matter in the same light with me. If not, I can only regret the circumstances and must abide the consequences.

The publication of Dr. Cooper was never seen by me ‘till after the receipt of your letter.

 

Sir, I have the honor to be

Your Obdt.

A. Hamilton

 

[Read more…]

Title: Hamilton–Burr Duel Correspondences

Author: Alexander Hamilton, Aaron Burr, and William Van Ness

Dates of Origin:
Letter 1 (Burr to Hamilton) : June 18, 1804
Letter 2 (Hamilton To Burr) : June 20, 1804
Letter 3 (Burr to Hamilton) : June 21, 1804
Letter 4 (Hamilton to Burr) : June 22, 1804
Letter 5 (Van Ness to Pendleton) : June 26, 1804

Link: Hamilton–Burr Duel Correspondences Page

---

Burr to Hamilton, June 18, 1804

N York 18 June 1804

Sir,

I send for your perusal a letter signed Ch. D. Cooper which, though apparently published some time ago, has but very recently come to my knowledge. Mr. Van Ness, who does me the favor to deliver this, will point out to you that clause of the letter to which I particularly request your attention.

You must perceive, Sir, the necessity of a prompt and unqualified acknowledgement or denial of the use of any expressions which could warrant the assertions of Dr. Cooper.

I have the honor to be
Your Obdt. S^t

A. Burr

---

Hamilton to Burr, June 20, 1804

N York 20 June 1804

Sir:

I have maturely reflected on the subject of your letter of the 18th Instant, and the more I have reflected, the more I have become convinced that I could not without manifest impropriety make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think necessary.

The clause pointed out by Mr. Van Ness is in these terms: “I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion which General Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr.” To endeavor to discover the meaning of this declaration, I was obliged to seek in the antecedent part of the letter for the opinion to which it referred, as having been already disclosed. I found it in these words: “Genl. Hamilton and Judge Kent have declared in substance that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man, and one who ought not to be trusted with the reins of Government.” The language of Dr. Cooper plainly implies that he considered this opinion of you, which he attributes to me, as a despicable one; but he affirms that I have expressed some other still more despicable; without, however, mentioning to whom, when or where. ‘Tis evident that the phrase “still more despicable” admits of infinite shades from very light to very dark. How am I to judge of the degree intended. Or how should I annex any precise idea to language so vague?

Between Gentlemen despicable and still more despicable are not worth the pains of a distinction. When, therefore, you do not interrogate me as to the opinion which is specifically ascribed to me, I must conclude that you view it as within the limits to which the animadversions of political opponents, upon each other, may justifiably extend; and consequently as not warranting the idea of it which Dr. Cooper appears to entertain. If so, what precise inference could you draw as a guide for your future conduct, were I to acknowledge that I had expressed an opinion of you, still more despicable than the one which is particularized? How could you be sure that even this opinion had exceeded the bounds which you would yourself deem admissible between political opponents?

But I forbear further comment on the embarrassment to which the requisition you have made naturally leads. The occasion forbids a more ample illustration, though nothing would be more easily than to pursue it.

Repeating that I can not reconcile it with propriety to make the acknowledgment or denial you desire, I will add that I deem it inadmissible on principle, to consent to be interrogated as to the justness of the inferences which may be drawn by others, from whatever I may have said of a political opponent in the course of a fifteen years competition. If there were no other objection to it, this is sufficient, that it would tend to expose my sincerity and delicacy to injurious imputations from every person who may at any time have conceived that import of my expressions differently from what I may then have intended, or may afterwards recollect.

I stand ready to avow or disavow promptly and explicitly any precise or definite opinion which I may be charged with having declared to any gentleman. More than this can not fitly be expected from me; and especially it can not reasonably be expected that I shall enter into an explanation upon a basis so vague as that which you have adopted. I trust upon more reflection you will see the matter in the same light with me. If not, I can only regret the circumstances and must abide the consequences.

The publication of Dr. Cooper was never seen by me ’till after the receipt of your letter.

Sir, I have the honor to be
Your Obdt. S^t

A. Hamilton

---

Burr to Hamilton, June 21, 1804

N York 21 June 1804

Sir,

Your letter of the 20th inst. has been this day received. Having considered it attentively, I regret to find in it nothing of that sincerity and delicacy which you profess to value.

Political opposition can never absolve gentlemen from the necessity of a rigid adherence to the laws of honor and the rules of decorum. I neither claim such privilege nor indulge it in others.

The common sense of mankind affixes to the epithet adopted by Dr. Cooper the idea of dishonor. It has been publicly applied to me under the sanction of your name. The question is not whether he has understood the meaning of the word or has used it according to syntax and with grammatical accuracy, but whether you have authorized this application either directly or by uttering expression or opinion derogatory to my honor. The time “when” is in your own knowledge but no way material to me, as the calumny has now just been disclosed so as to become the subject of my notice and as the effect is present and palpable.

Your letter has furnished me with new reasons for requiring a definite reply.

I have the honor to be
Your Obdt. S^t

A. Burr

---

Hamilton to Burr, June 22, 1804

N York 22 June 1804

Sir,

Your first letter, in a style too peremptory, made a demand, in my opinion, unprecedented and unwarrantable. My answer, pointing out the embarrassment, gave you an opportunity to take a less exceptionable course. You have not chosen to do it, but by your last letter, received this day, containing expressions indecorous and improper, you have increased the difficulties to explanation, intrinsically incident to the nature of your application.

If by a “definite reply” you mean the direct avowal or disavowal required in your first letter, I have no other answer to give than that which has already been given. If you mean anything different admitting of greater latitude, it is requisite you should explain.

I have the honor to be, Sir
Your Obdt. S^t

A. Hamilton

---

Van Ness to Pendleton, June 26, 1804

Sir,

The letter which you yesterday delivered me and your subsequent communication in Col. Burr’s opinion evince no disposition on the part of Genl. Hamilton to come to a satisfactory accommodation. The injury complained of and the reparation expected are so definitely expressed in his (Col. B.’s) letter of the 21st Inst. that there is not perceived a necessity for further explanation on his part. The difficulty that would result from confining the inquiry to any particular times and occasions must be manifest. The denial of a specified conversation only, would leave strong implications that on other occasions improper language has been used. When and where injurious expressions and opinions have been uttered by Genl. Hamilton must be best known to him and of him only does Col. Burr think it proper to enquire.

No denial or declaration will be satisfactory unless it be general so as to wholly exclude the idea that rumors derogatory to Col. Burr’s honor can have originated with Genl. Hamilton or have been fairly inferred from anything he has said. A definite reply to a requisition of this nature is demanded in Col. Burr’s letter of the 21st Inst. This being refused, invites the alternative alluded to in Genl. H.’s letter of the 20th Inst. It was demanded by the position in which the controversy was placed by Genl. H. on the 22nd Inst., and I was immediately furnished with a communication demanding a personal interview.

The necessity of this measure has not in the opinion of Col. Burr been diminished by the General’s last letter or any subsequent communication which has been received and I am again instructed to deliver you a message as soon as it may be convenient for you to receive it. I beg, therefore, you will have the politeness to inform me at what hour I shall wait on you.

Your most obt. & very hum. Servt.

W. P. Van Ness

Letters from Hamilton to Eliza

Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton

Author: Alexander Hamilton

Date of Origin:

• Letter 1 – July 10, 1781
• Letter 8 – September 6, 1781
• Letter 10 -October 10, 1781

Originally Found:

• Letter 1
• Letter 8
• Letter 10

 

To Elizabeth Hamilton

By: Adair Garrett

Title: Alexander Hamilton’s Letters to Eliza

Author: Alexander Hamilton

Dates of Origin: 

• July 10, 1781
• July 10, 1804

Links: 

• https://founders.archives.gov/?q=Correspondent%3A%22Hamilton%2C%20Alexander%22%20Correspondent%3A%22Hamilton%2C%20Elizabeth%22&s=1111311113&r=1
• https://founders.archives.gov/?q=Correspondent%3A%22Hamilton%2C%20Alexander%22%20Correspondent%3A%22Hamilton%2C%20Elizabeth%22&s=1111311113&r=121

Document Excerpts: 

[Camp near Dobbs Ferry, New York]

[July 10, 1781]

The day before yesterday, my angel, I arrived here, but for the want of an opportunity could not write you sooner. Indeed, I know of none now, but shall send this to the Quarter Master General to be forwarded by the first conveyance to the care of Col. Hughes. Finding when I came here that nothing was said on the subject of a command, I wrote the General a letter and enclosed him my commission. This morning Tilghman came to me in his name, pressed me to retain my commission, with an assurance that he would endeavor by all means to give me a command nearly such as I could have desired in the present circumstances of the army. Though I know my Betsy would be happy to hear I had rejected this proposal, it is a pleasure my reputation would not permit me to afford her. I consented to retain my commission and accept my command.

I hope my beloved Betsy will dismiss all apprehensions for my safety; unhappily for public affairs, there seems to be little prospect of activity, and if there should be Heaven will certainly be propitious to any attachment so tender, so genuine as ours. Heaven will restore me to the bosom of my love and permit me to enjoy with new relish the delights which are centred there. It costs me a great deal to be absent from them, but the privation is certainly only temporary. I impatiently long to hear from you the state of your mind since our painful separation. Be as happy as you can, I entreat you, my amiable, my beloved wife. But let not absence deprive me of the least particle of your affection. Always remember those tender proofs I have so frequently given you of mine and preserve for me unabated the only blessing which can make life of any value to me.

I write your father all the military news. I have barely seen Mr. Carter and delivered him the letters which your amiable father committed to my care. You are of a charming family my Betsy. I shall not easily forget the marks of parting regret which appeared in both your sisters. Assure them of everything my heart is capable of feeling for the lovely sisters of a lovely wife.

I quarter at present by a very polite and very warm invitation with General Lincoln. I experience every mark of esteem from the officers of both armies. As soon as possible, I shall begin housekeeping myself. Mr. Carter and I are four miles asunder. Tomorrow morning I shall see him again. He is in good health and the principal French officers express great satisfaction at his conduct.

My good, my tender, my fond, my excellent Betsy, Adieu. You know not how much it must ever cost me to pronounce this word. God bless and preserve you.

A Hamilton

 

[New York]

[July 10, 1804]

My beloved Eliza

Mrs. Mitchel is the person in the world to whom as a friend I am under the greatest Obligations. I have ⟨not⟩ hitherto done my ⟨duty⟩ to her. But ⟨resolved⟩ to repair my omission as much as ⟨possible,⟩ I have encouraged her to come to ⟨this Country⟩ and intend, if it shall be ⟨in my po⟩wer to render the Evening of her days ⟨c⟩omfortable. But if it shall please God to put this out of my power and to inable you hereafter to be of ⟨s⟩ervice to her, I entreat you to d⟨o⟩ it and to treat ⟨h⟩er with the tenderness of a Sister.

This is my second letter.

The Scrup⟨les of a Christian have deter⟩mined me to expose my own li⟨fe to any⟩ extent rather than subject my s⟨elf to the⟩ guilt of taking the life of ⟨another.⟩ This must increase my hazards & redoubles my pangs for you. But you had rather I should die inno⟨c⟩ent than live guilty. Heaven can pre⟨se⟩rve me ⟨and I humbly⟩ hope will ⟨b⟩ut in the contrary ⟨e⟩vent, I charge you to remember that you are a Christian. God’s Will be done. The will of a merciful God must be good.

Once more Adieu My Darling darling Wife

A H

 

Title: George Washington’s Farewell Address

Author: George Washington

Date of Origin: 19 September 1796

Link: https://context.montpelier.org/document/715#passage-2

 

Document Excerpt:

^[1]Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? ^[2]Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? ^[3]Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European Ambition, Rivalship, Interest, Humour or Caprice?

^[4]‘Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent Alliances, with any portion of the foreign World–So far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it–^[5]for let me not be understood as capable of patronising infidility to existing engagements, ^[6](I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy)–^[7]I repeat it therefore, Let those engagements. be observed in their genuine sense. ^[8]But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

^[9]Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectably defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

^[10]Harmony, liberal intercourse with all Nations, are recommended by policy, humanity and interest. ^[11]But even our Commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand: neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; ^[12]diffusing & deversifying by gentle means the streams of Commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with Powers so disposed–in order to give to trade a stable course, ^[13]to define the rights of our Merchants, and to enable the Government to support them–conventional rules of intercourse; ^[14]the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, & liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; ^[15]constantly keeping in view, that ’tis folly in one Nation to look for disinterested favors from another–^[16]that it must pay with a portion of its Independence for whatever it may accept under that character–^[17]that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. ^[18]There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours from Nation to Nation. ^[19]‘Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

^[20]In offering to you, my Countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression, ^[21]I could wish–that they will controul the usual current of the passions, or prevent our Nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the Destiny of Nations: ^[22]But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; ^[23]that they may now & then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign Intriegue, to guard against the Impostures of pretended patriotism–^[24]this hope will be a full recompence for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

^[25]How far in the discharge of my Official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, ^[26]the public Records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to You and to the world. ^[27]To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

^[28]In relation to the still subsisting War in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793 is the index to my Plan. ^[29]Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of Your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, ^[30]the spirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

 

Works Cited

Alchin, Linda. “George Washington.” Facts: US History for Kids ***, Siteseen Limited, 9 Jan. 2018, www.american-historama.org/1790-1800-new-nation/neutrality-proclamation-1793.htm.

Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. “Monroe Doctrine.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 18 Dec.  2017, www.britannica.com/event/Monroe-Doctrine.

Cornwell, Rupert. “George Washington: The Father of the Nation.” The Independent, Independent Digital News and Media, 20  Sept. 2012, www.independent.co.uk/news/presidents/george-washington-the-father-of-the-nation-1391109.html.

Erb, Kelly Phillips. “How Former President Washington Dealt With The First Real Tax Crisis In America.” Forbes, Forbes  Magazine, 15 Feb. 2016, www.forbes.com/sites/kellyphillipserb/2016/02/15/how-former-president-washington-dealt-with-the-first-real-tax-crisis-in-america/#2034094d2943.

Freeman, Joanne B. “Challenges George Washington Faced as America’s First President.” George Washington’s Mount Vernon, www.mountvernon.org/george-washington/the-first-president/5-challenges-of-being-americas-first-president/.

Ferling, John. “The American Historical Review.” The American Historical Review, vol. 102, no. 4, 1997, pp. 1221–1222. JSTOR, JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2170758.

“French Alliance, French Assistance, and European Diplomacy during the American Revolution, 1778–1782.” U.S. Department of State, U.S. Department of State, history.state.gov/milestones/1776-1783/french-alliance.

“George Washington’s Economic Policy.” Political Economy, Political Economy, 2010, political-economy.com/george-washingtons-economic-policy/.

“George Washington’s Farewell Address.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 13 June 2018, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Washington%27s_Farewell_Address.

“George Washington – Key Events.” Miller Center, 27 July 2017, millercenter.org/president/george-washington/key-events.

“Hamilton’s Financial Plan.” Ushistory.org, Independence Hall Association, 2018, www.ushistory.org/us/18b.asp.

Hostetler, Michael J. “Washington’s Farewell Address: Distance as Bane and Blessing.” Rhetoric & Public Affairs, vol. 5 no. 3, 2002, pp. 393-407. Project MUSE, doi:10.1353/rap.2002.0048

Jamison, Denis. “George Washington’s Views on Political Parties in America.” The Washington Times, The Washington Times, 31 Dec. 2014, www.washingtontimes.com/news/2014/dec/31/george-washingtons-views-political-parties-america/.

Kober, Stanley. “NATO: The End of the Permanent Alliance.” Global Dialogue, vol. 11, 2009, pp. 74-81. ProQuest, http://prx.library.gatech.edu/login?url=https://search.proquest.com/docview/211513616?accountid=11107.

Malanson, Jeffrey J. “”if I had it in His Hand-Writing I would Burn it”: Federalists and the Authorship Controversy Over George Washington’s Farewell Address, 1808-1859.” Journal of the Early Republic, vol. 34, no. 2, 2014, pp. 219-242. ProQuest, http://prx.library.gatech.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.prx.library.gatech.edu/docview/1523929489?accountid=11107.

Richardson, J.D. “FAREWELL ADDRESS (1796).” About the USA > Arts > Music, usa.usembassy.de/etexts/democrac/49.htm.

Rosen, Stephen P. “Blood Brothers: The Dual Origins of American Bellicosity.” The American Interest, vol. 4, no. 6, Jul, 2009, pp. 20-28. ProQuest, http://prx.library.gatech.edu/login?url=https://search-proquest-com.prx.library.gatech.edu/docview/224657814?accountid=11107.

“Thomas Jefferson – Key Events.” Miller Center, Miller Center, 1 Aug. 2017, millercenter.org/president/thomas-jefferson/key-events.

ushistory.org. “Farewell Address.” Ushistory.org, Independence Hall Association, 2018, www.ushistory.org/us/17d.asp.

“Washington’s Farewell Address, 1796.” U.S. Department of State, U.S. Department of State, 2017,  history.state.gov/milestones/1784-1800/washington-farewell.

 

 

 

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[1] Washington begins this section with several rhetorical questions. Scholars believe that Washington had a very complex rhetorical style. Generally, he starts with inspirational connotation. Here he uses words such “advantageous.” Near the end of his rhetorical statements, Washington expresses his main point. Here his main point is to avoid political relationships with Europe.

[2] Washington lists several rhetorical questions at the beginning of this section. He wants the citizens of America to consider the benefits (if any) of war with other countries. This statement is the beginning of Washington’s argument for American Isolationism. A policy that continued for more than one hundred and fifty years.

[3] Due to the constant war between European powers especially England and France, Washington wanted to avoid alliances specially with Europe. He believed that foreign nations would have their own agendas and, therefore, could not be trusted. This meant that the previous alliance with France had to be dissolved.

[4] In 1997, the post-Cold War United States Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, admitted that the United States was part of a permanent alliance with the other countries of NATO. This goes directly against Washington’s wish despite his realization that the United States now has the ability to choose its allies.

[5] Here Washington would like to dissolve political connections with foreign nations and promote a period of American Isolationism—a policy later adopted by Federalists. Legislation such as the Treaty of Mortefontaine ended the alliance established in the 1778 Treaty of Alliance with France. However, economic trading with France and other European countries still continued.

[6] Washington agreed to a second term in office despite his desire to retire. However, after the second term he wanted to return to private life back at Mt. Vernon due to the continued stress of public life. Here he hopes that the principles that guide his personal life can also guide the nation.

[7] The alliance between the U.S. and France determined by the Treaty of Alliance in 1778 continued until 1800. This alliance was still in place during the Quasi-war, an incident between the United States and France where France began to commandeer U.S. trading ships. This event, however, took place during the Adams administration, which Washington had no control over.

[8] Washington agreed that previous alliances such as with France should be upheld until they expire. However, these alliances should not be renewed upon expiration. The Convention of 1800 did lead to the dissolution of the alliance between the U.S. and France. Additionally, the U.S. followed this isolationist policy for over a century.

[9] Washington once again points towards the importance of isolationism. This policy would be pursued by James Monroe, who despite being an anti-Federalist put into place the Monroe Doctrine. The Monroe Doctrine had five major points, which declared the western hemisphere separate from the east and closed to any colonization of existing civilizations.

[10] As Treasury Secretary, established writer, and personal advisor to Washington, Alexander Hamilton is thought to have written and revised large portions of Washington’s Farewell Address. As Treasury Secretary, there is a good chance that he assisted with clauses in the farewell address that dealt with economic policy. Federalists desperately tried to prevent the public from knowing Hamilton’s influence on this document in order to make the document seem like universal policy.

[11] Washington believed in free trade with all nations without any barriers to entry. This includes limited but equal tariffs with all other nations and no trade embargos. These policies differed from that of the anti-Federalists including the Jefferson administration, which heavily favored domestic farming and limited manufacturing to support the United States economy.

[12] Compared to the Jefferson Administration, the Washington Administration believed in establishing a diversified economy capable of competing with other nations. This policy, however, led to foreign competition, which Jefferson saw as a threat to domestic enterprise. Jefferson, however, did remove certain taxes such as the tax on whiskey, which he believed contradicted the beliefs that led to the Revolutionary War.

[13] Washington and many of the founding fathers believed in a strongly capitalist economy with no intervention from the federal government. This was in large part due to the strongly economically centralized governments of Europe. Washington and other founding fathers believed that merchants could help the U.S. economy without taxation from the federal government.

[14] Hamilton is credited with editing and writing portions of Washington’s Farewell Address. As Treasury Secretary, Hamilton put in place policies to pay back money the government borrowed during the Revolutionary War as credit. For example, he put in place a government bond system to pay back creditors despite the value of their credit becoming useless after the war. His willingness to pay back bonds at full value helped garner trust between the people and the federal government.

[15] While Washington was against choosing favorites when it came to building economic or political alliances with other countries, he was completely comfortable in choosing his domestic political allies. For example, he clearly favored Alexander Hamilton over Thomas Jefferson. However, this preference would become one of the reasons why Federalists built their principles based on Washington’s texts.

[16] Washington believes that unfair economic favors relate to a countries independence. Specially, he believes that a country that provides unfair economic favors with one country over another trades their freedom because that country would no longer be neutral in future conflicts. This statement summarizes Washington’s view of free global trade.

[17]Here Washington believes that providing unfair advantages to countries would make the United States look untrustworthy. Other countries would seek constant favors from the United States seeing their trading alliance as a political alliance. Additionally, Washington believes this would make the United States an easy target for enemies of their trading partners.

[18] Among his top advisors, Washington chose Hamilton to be Treasury Secretary first because the two of them agreed on many policies. Other advisors were Henry Knox, who was chosen as Secretary of War and Thomas Jefferson chosen as Secretary of State. Henry Knox was chosen exactly one day after Alexander Hamilton.

[19] After the Revolutionary War, plays were created across the country that reenacted the events of the War and development of the Constitution. The Founding Fathers were not amused by the plays because they believed the plays would misrepresent the meaning of independence. They wanted the nation to slowly build itself up on the world stage through experience.

[20] Washington faced many challenges as the first president of the United States. Most importantly, he had to establish presidential authority. Many of the precedents that he set for the Executive Branch have endured the test of time and have helped maintain a balance of power between the three branches of government.

[21] Washington begins his list of hopes and wishes for the nation. Washington could not imagine the United States as a world superpower; therefore, he believed any foreign action would destroy the independence that the founders worked hard to create and defend.

[22] Despite his attempts to stay neutral, Washington occasionally had to take sides. For example, when securing trade agreements with Great Britain he aligned himself with Federalists. This displeased many anti-Federalists including Thomas Jefferson who resigned as Secretary of State shortly after Washington made the agreement with Great Britain.

[23] While Washington did not believe in strong overbearing political parties, he realized the importance of strength in numbers when passing and enforcing legislation. From ratifying the constitution to Jay’s Treaty, Washington may not have wished for strong political parties, but political parties ultimately helped pass major legislation during his presidency.

[24] Washington is expressing the capitalistic beliefs of the Founding Fathers. They believed that the government should avoid involvement in the welfare of any citizen. This strayed from many other governments and put a lot of trust in the hands of the citizens in order to build the economy.

[25] Being of English descent, Washington was a loyal British citizen. However, after witnessing the taxation of goods by the British, he met with the Virginia delegation to boycott British goods. This lead to his rise in prominence in the colonies and his eventually role as the commander-in-chief of the Continental Army.

[26] George Washington hopes to leave behind a legacy not only for future generations of Americans but also for the entire world. He wishes that his experiences and beliefs will live through his writings and public accounts of his character. Moreover, he hopes that he has put his country on the right path to success.

[27] Since he was 21 years old, Washington led others. He commanded a surprise attack on the French during the French and Indian War. Although he was successfully at first, the French retaliated and forced Washington to retreat. This early experience and failure would establish Washington as a strong leader and build his political philosophy.

[28] On April 22nd, 1793, Washington issued the Neutrality Proclamation. This proclamation, firstly, stated that the United States would remain neutral in any conflicts between France and Great Britain. In addition, the proclamation made it illegal for an American citizen to provide aid if any two countries were at war not involving the United States.

[29] Washington is defending his 1793 Proclamation of Neutrality by indirectly stating that it was the people who chose this path forward. He does this by pointing to Congress, a representative body for the people of the United States. Here he is expressing how the government should work: the people vote on representatives who express the views of their constituents on the floor of Congress.

[30] At the end of this section, Washington has once again added his complex rhetorical style. Washington’s belief in the newly established government has convinced him that the country can continue to succeed with his leadership. He is ending this section by inspiring and revealing the main idea of this section—the United States will prosper if it follows the path he and the other founders have laid.

By: Ian Byers

Title: George Washington’s Farewell Address

Author: George Washington

Date of Origin: First published September 19th, 1796

Source: context.montpelier.org at https://context.montpelier.org/document/715

Excerpt:

The period for a new election of a Citizen, to Administer the Executive government of the United States, being not far distant,^[1] and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person, who is to be cloathed with that important trust,^[2] it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice,^[3] that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made.^[4]

I beg you, at the sametime, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation, which binds a dutiful Citizen to his country^[5]–and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my Situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness;^[6] but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.^[7]

The acceptance of, & continuance hitherto in, the Office to which your Suffrages have twice called me,^[8] have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire.^[9] I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn.^[10] The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last Election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you;^[11] but mature reflection on the then perplexed & critical posture of our Affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.^[12]

I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety;^[13] & am persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.^[14]

The impressions, with which, I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust,^[15] I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the Organization and Administration of the government,^[16] the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable.^[17] Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthned the motives to diffidence of myself;^[18] and every day the encreasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome.^[19] Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary,^[20] I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotizm does not forbid it.^[21]

In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life,^[22] my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it has conferred upon me;^[23] still more for the stedfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful & persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal.^[24] If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals,^[25] that, under circumstances in which the Passions agitated in every direction were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, viscissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of Success has countenanced the spirit of criticism,^[26] the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected.^[27] Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence^[28]–that your Union & brotherly affection may be perpetual–that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands,^[29] may be sacredly maintained–that its Administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and Virtue–that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete,^[30] by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection–and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.^[31]

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