Palaces Out Of Paragraphs

English 1102: Hamilton and Writing

Blog 1: The Role of Historical Accuracy and Point of View

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By: Zachary Frederick

For my discussion of the writing element of first act of Hamilton, I will be looking at two different aspects: some of the creative liberties taken when recounting history, and how one’s point of view dramatically changes how history is remembered.

First, one of the most important considerations in the writing of a “historical” piece such as Hamilton is how accurate the story adheres to events and details that actually transpired. So far, the show has done an exceptional job in combining significant research into the historical accuracy of the piece, and has left little room for debate regarding any “major” errors – there simply aren’t any. However, the show cannot be perfect. Some elements of history must be altered in order to be effective in keeping the shows nature as a play. For example, several times in the first act viewers might recognize that what the song depicts might be a very rapid recounting of a succession of events that could have taken even months to come to fruition. This is notable in songs such as “Aaron Burr Sir,” where we meet Burr as well as most of Hamilton’s friends. Obviously this series of events did not take place in such a rapid succession, however for convenience sake the play understandably can be lenient in historical scrutiny during instances such as these.

Second, I enjoy how the play explores the idea that history changes depending on who is giving the account. In “Helpless” as Eliza recounts the beginnings of her relationship with Hamilton, the story is told as dreamy, romantic, and almost fairy-tale like as Hamilton and Eliza fall in love and get married. Everything is given a picturesque filter, even joking about the clearly evident jealousy of Angelica. However, Angelica’s point of view in “Satisfied” tells a completely different story of the same events. This recollection confesses Angelica’s love for Hamilton, and her conscious decision to reject her own feelings and give Hamilton up to marry her sister. Whereas Eliza only knows how she so “helplessly” fell in love with Hamilton, Angelica’s story gives insight to a selfless narrative we would not have been privy to having evaluated the situation from one point of view only.

Blog Post 1, The Importance of Repetition

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By: Karl Risley

Throughout Hamilton, Lin Manuel uses repetition for multiple purposes. For example, in “My Shot”, Lin Manuel uses the repetition of the lyric, “I am not throwing away my shot” in order to convey the intensity and drive that Hamilton carries. Similarly, this line has been repeated several times throughout the songs we have listened to so far in class, symbolizing that Hamilton’s relentless drive is still present, influencing his actions and the outcome of events in the play. This lyric first resurfaces when the company sings it in “Right Hand Man,” a song about Washington’s selection of his right hand man. Following the plot of the song, Hamilton interrupts Burr while he is talking to Washington and begins his ‘interview’ for the position. The company began to sing, “I am not throwing away my shot”, alluding to Hamilton’s previously established character, showing the audience that his drive still exists and played a major factor in the course of his life and makings of our country through repetition. Lin Manuel used a similar repetition style to carry the elements of Aaron Burr’s personality through Act one. He establishes Aaron Burr’s passive character in the song, “Wait for it”, where the lines, “I’m willing to wait for it”, and “Wait for it” were repeated many times.

 

In Lin Manuel’s “Non-Stop”, he uses repetition not only like detailed above, but also to emphasize the nature of how the words were spoken by the character. Both Hamilton’s and Aaron Burr’s established character are brought to light again repeating the lines mentioned above in the background. The repetition occurs simultaneously, musically illustrating the clashing of the two rivals.  Furthermore, Lin Manuel uses the repetition of what both Burr and Hamilton say, mainly rhetorical questions, to emphasize the struggle they face understanding each other. In several parts of the song, Burr asks rhetorically questions such as, “Why do you fight like your running out of time” and “Why do you write like your running out of time?” These questions are also repeated one after another for many lines. While the repetition shows his frustration towards Hamilton, the big clumps of repetition serve the purpose of placing the audience inside Burr’s head. Lin Manuel uses this writing style to make it seem that Burr is sharing his stream of consciousness.

 

Finally, Lin Manuel uses the repetition to carry themes throughout the musical. Most of the lyrics in “Non-stop” are exact repetitions of lyrics in past songs, providing the audience a continuous story line. For example, “Non-Stop” has copied lines from “Alexander Hamilton”, “Right Hand Man”, “My Shot”, “Wait for it” “Satisfied”, “History has its eyes on you”, “The Schuyler Sisters”, and “Helpless”. Most of these lines are written and sang all at once. Manuel uses these simultaneous repetitions to illustrate all of the pressures and events going on in Hamilton’s life at the time. The repetition culminated all of the prior themes in the play, creating connections and a cohesive musical.

Blog Post 1: Hamilton as the Symbolic Figure

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By: Kristen English

Throughout Act I of Hamilton there are many similarities drawn between political and social issues that affected society in the Revolutionary era as well as in today’s modern era. These comparisons are drawn through the use of lyrics in the music as well as the musical style itself. Act I focuses on the beginning of Hamilton’s journey from a poor, fatherless child growing up in the Caribbean to one of the most influential founding fathers remembered in history today. While the entire production focuses on, as told by Miranda, “a story about America then, told by America now,”. When you look solely at the written elements through the lyrics of Act I you can definitely see the intent of Miranda’s vision.

In the first song of the show, “Alexander Hamilton”, the lyrics focus on a young immigrant boy with a dream for a brighter tomorrow. The song centers on all of the struggles Hamilton faced growing up, while also repeating the underlying question of how Hamilton reached such success in his life while faced with so many challenges and hardships. This piece is crucial to today’s modern society and its skewed view on immigration as it stands as a reminder that this country was founded on immigration and the dream for a brighter tomorrow. The number also uses repetition with the line, “In New York you can be a new man,” to reiterate the fact that New York is the home of millions of immigrants just like Hamilton who traveled there to change their lives for the better. Miranda portrays Hamilton as a, “young, scrappy, and hungry” immigrant who through hard work and perseverance became one of the most influential men in our country’s history, commemorating him as an icon of the American Dream that is still prevalent in today’s society.

Act I goes one step further to create the parallels between the past and the present economic, social, and racial issues by adapting songs from the show from current hip-hop trends at the time. The song, “Wait for It”, has been labeled by many critics as not only a song describing Burr’s character in depth but also a narrative as to the destructions behind minorities being told to wait for their time to come. While parallels are also drawn between other songs directly being influenced by popular hip-hop artists at the time, such as Notorious B.I.G and Destiny’s child, which furthers the idea that the two eras are not too far off in terms of the societal issues that are present.

I feel as if Act I did an amazing job painting the immigrant success story that this country was founded on. With Miranda being a direct descendant of Puerto Rican immigrants, I feel his intent on the entire production was to portray these social issues that existed in the past as issues that still affect the present while also portraying the image of the immigrant success story.

Hamilton a Friend, a Fighter, and an Enemy

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By: Keval Bollavaram

Act I of Hamilton summarizes Hamilton’s life and relationship with his peers. Additionally, Act I establishes the role that each character played before and during the Revolution with the key distinction being between Hamilton and Burr. Lin-Manuel Miranda effectively uses repetition throughout the first act to emphasis characteristic attributes and make comparisons between individuals. For example, in the song “Alexander Hamilton” the phrase “by being” is repeated to demonstrate the early accomplishments of Hamilton as well as his impressive character. Furthermore, in the song “Wait for It” Lin-Manuel repeats specific phrases to show the differences in the thought process of Hamilton versus Aaron Burr. When describing Burr, Lin-Manuel repeats the phrases “Wait for it,” but he uses the phrase “climb” to describe how Hamilton takes risks while Aaron Burr demands certainty.

While many songs in Act I include repetition, Lin-Manuel utilizes other literary devices to shift the audience’s attention and misdirect the audience. For example, “Guns and Ships” starts by describing a “secret weapon,” which is “an immigrant you [the audience] know and love.” In the minds of the audience, this hero is Hamilton; however, it turns out the hero is Lafayette, a French officer who would help forge an alliance between the U.S. and France. Additionally, Lin-Manuel uses contradiction in the song “Ten Duel Commandments” when Burr asks Hamilton, “can we agree that duels are dumb and immature?” This phrase is a harbinger for the Hamilton’s own demise during his duel with Burr.

Beyond including highly symbolic sequences, Lin-Manuel infuses historical references to build the plot of the musical. In the song “Guns and Ships,” the characters discuss bringing France into the war in order to end the war in Yorktown. Moreover, George Washington finally gives Hamilton a chance to command troops in Yorktown. The distinctions between Hamilton and Burr are emphasized at the end of the first act. In “Non-Stop,” Hamilton attempts to convince Burr to help write the Federalist Papers in order to defend the creation of the U.S. Constitution. Because Burr is uncertain, Hamilton along with James Madison and John Jay write the Federalist Papers without Burr. These documents are still used today to understand how the founders interpreted the Constitution.

The first act explains Hamilton’s rise to power and his influence while planting the seeds for future conflicts. At the end of the act, there is tension between Hamilton and Burr, the former becomes Treasury Secretary while the latter is still waiting for his chance.

The Mirroring Concepts in Hamilton and Damn

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[Blog Entry 1]

By: Adair Garrett

 

 

 

 

 

Lin-Manuel Miranda wrote the musical Hamilton to incorporate many of the sentiments of current rappers.  The well-written, short verses of the first act discuss broader issues like poverty and class disparity, a similar tactic used by many rappers today to discuss racism, police brutality, and other controversial topics.  Miranda’s lyricism and deep understanding of the recent trends in hip hop were so accurate that many of the songs from the first act have striking similarities to the key elements of the album Damn by Kendrick Lamar.  This album, released in 2017 (two years after Hamilton), recently won the Pulitzer prize for its ability to “[capture] the complexity of modern African-American life.” (Read more about that here: http://www.pulitzer.org/winners/kendrick-lamar)  

Miranda writes the story of the beginning of our country by creating a musical set in the America of today, a setting well described throughout Kendrick Lamar’s concept album Damn.  The beginning of Damn mirrors that of Hamilton with a biographical introduction.  Lamar begins his album with a story of the culture he grew up with in the album’s second song “DNA” and Miranda begins his musical by telling the beginning of Alexander Hamilton’s life in his song “Alexander Hamilton”.  Similarly, at the beginning of the musical, Miranda introduces some of the general feelings of the rest of the cast about Hamilton in this first song, while Lamar includes an excerpt from a news show where Eric Bolling says: “Lamar stated his views on police brutality with that line in the song, quote: ‘And we hate the popo, wanna kill us in the street fo’ sho’.’”  Kimberly Guilfoyle replies “ Oh please, ugh, I don’t like it.”  This brief allusion to Fox News shows a side of American society that Lamar disagrees with and continuously tears apart within his music, while Aaron Burr’s part in the song “Alexander Hamilton” shows an early opposition of beliefs that continues throughout the remainder of the musical.  

Miranda and Lamar also pick up on common themes throughout their soundtracks.  Miranda repeats the phrases “Rise up” to show Hamilton’s belief in the valor of fighting for his values.   He also reiterates words like “scrappy” or “hungry” to indicate that Hamilton came from nothing and continues to face an ever changing struggle against those who look down upon him.  Lamar, facing similar obstacles, does not state that he wants to “Rise Up” but rather asks for a helping hand from God to help him both understand and survive those who disagree with him.  In particular, the song “Fear” by Kendrick Lamar touches upon the ideas discussed throughout the first act of Hamilton.  For example, “Fear” picks up on the themes of violence (“I’ll prolly die from witnesses leavin’ me falsed accused / I’ll prolly die from thinkin’ that me and your hood was cool”) which also arise in Hamilton’s “My Shot” (“I imagine death so much it feels more like a memory / When’s it gonna get me? / In my sleep? Seven feet ahead of me?”).  

I would really like to know if you guys completely disagree with me or see some logic to what I arguing.  

Here are the full lyrics for Kendrick Lamar’s “Fear” or listen to the song:

 

Excerpt from the “Reynolds Pamphlet”

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By:  Carol Rojas Ramirez

I found this excerpt in the National Archives Database.

Transcription:

A principal engine, by which this spirit endeavours to accomplish its purposes is that of calumny. It is essential to its success that the influence of men of upright principles, disposed and able to resist its enterprises, shall be at all events destroyed. Not content with traducing their best efforts for the public good, with misrepresenting their purest motives, with inferring criminality from actions innocent or laudable, the most direct falshoods are invented and propagated, with undaunted effrontery and unrelenting perseverance. Lies often detected and refuted are still revived and repeated, in the hope that the refutation may have been forgotten or that the frequency and boldness of accusation may supply the place of truth and proof. The most profligate men are encouraged, probably bribed, certainly with patronage if not with money, to become informers and accusers. And when tales, which their characters alone ought to discredit, are refuted by evidence and facts which oblige the patrons of them to abandon their support, they still continue in corroding whispers to wear away the reputations which they could not directly subvert. If, luckily for the conspirators against honest fame, any little foible or folly can be traced out in one, whom they desire to persecute, it becomes at once in their hands a two-edged sword, by which to wound the public character and stab the private felicity of the person. With such men, nothing is sacred. Even the peace of an unoffending and amiable wife is a welcome repast to their insatiate fury against the husband.

In the gratification of this baleful spirit, we not only hear the jacobin news-papers continually ring with odious insinuations and charges against many of our most virtuous citizens; but, not satisfied with this, a measure new in this country has been lately adopted to give greater efficacy to the system of defamation—periodical pamphlets issue from the same presses, full freighted with misrepresentation and falshood, artfully calculated to hold up the opponents of the Factionto the jealousy and distrust of the present generation and if possible, to transmit their names with dishonor to posterity. Even the great and multiplied services, the tried and rarely equalled virtues of a Washington, can secure no exemption.

How then can I, with pretensions every way inferior expect to escape? And if truly this be, as every appearance indicates, a conspiracy of vice against virtue, ought I not rather to be flattered, that I have been so long and so peculiarly an object of persecution? Ought I to regret, if there be any thing about me, so formidable to the Faction as to have made me worthy to be distinguished by the plentytude of its rancour and venom?

It is certain that I have had a pretty copious experience of its malignity. For the honor of human nature, it is to be hoped that the examples are not numerous of men so greatly calumniated and persecuted, as I have been, with so little cause.

I dare appeal to my immediate fellow citizens of whatever political party for the truth of the assertion, that no man ever carried into public life a more unblemished pecuniary reputation, than that with which I undertook the office of Secretary of the Treasury; a character marked by an indifference to the acquisition of property rather than an avidity for it.

With such a character, however natural it was to expect criticism and opposition, as to the political principles which I might manifest or be supposed to entertain, as to the wisdom or expediency of the plans, which I might propose, or as to the skill, care or diligence with which the business of my department might be executed, it was not natural to expect nor did I expect that my fidelity or integrity in a pecuniary sense would ever be called in question.

But on his head a mortifying disappointment has been experienced. Without the slightest foundation, I have been repeatedly held up to the suspicions of the world as a man directed in his administration by the most sordid views; who did not scruple to sacrifice the public to his private interest, his duty and honor to the sinister accumulation of wealth.

Excerpt From Washington’s Circular to the States

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by Grace Griggs

Source: http://www.mountvernon.org/education/primary-sources-2/article/circular-to-the-states-george-washington-to-the-states-june-8-1783/

There are four things, which I humbly conceive, are essential to the well being, I may even venture to say, to the existence of the United States as an Independent Power:

1st. An indissoluble Union of the States under one Federal Head.

2dly. A Sacred regard to Public Justice.

3dly. The adoption of a proper Peace Establishment, and

4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly Disposition, among the People of the United States, which will induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies, to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity, and in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the Community.

These are the Pillars on which the glorious Fabrick of our Independency and National Character must be supported; Liberty is the Basis, and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the Structure, under whatever specious pretexts he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration, and the severest punishment which can be inflicted by his injured Country.

On the three first Articles I will make a few observations, leaving the last to the good sense and serious consideration of those immediately concerned.

Under the first head, altho’ it may not be necessary or proper for me in this place to enter into a particular disquisition of the principles of the Union, and to take up the great question which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite for the States to delegate a larger proportion of Power to Congress, or not, Yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true Patriot, to assert without reserve, and to insist upon the following positions, That unless the States will suffer Congress to exercise those prerogatives, they are undoubtedly invested with by the Constitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to Anarchy and confusion, That it is indispensable to the happiness of the individual States, that there should be lodged somewhere, a Supreme Power to regulate and govern the general concerns of the Confederated Republic, without which the Union cannot be of long duration. That there must be a faithfull and pointed compliance on the part of every State, with the late proposals and demands of Congress, or the most fatal consequences will ensue, That whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve the Union, or contribute to violate or lessen the Sovereign Authority, ought to be considered as hostile to the Liberty and Independency of America, and the Authors of them treated accordingly, and lastly, that unless we can be enabled by the concurrence of the States, to participate of the fruits of the Revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of Civil Society, under a form of Government so free and uncorrupted, so happily guarded against the danger of oppression, as has been devised and adopted by the Articles of Confederation, it will be a subject of regret, that so much blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose, that so many sufferings have been encountered without a compensation, and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain. Many other considerations might here be adduced to prove, that without an entire conformity to the Spirit of the Union, we cannot exist as an Independent Power; it will be sufficient for my purpose to mention but one or two which seem to me of the greatest importance. It is only in our united Character as an Empire, that our Independence is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or our Credit supported among Foreign Nations. The Treaties of the European Powers with the United States of America, will have no validity on a dissolution of the Union. We shall be left nearly in a state of Nature, or we may find by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and necessary progression, from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of Tyranny; and that arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of Liberty abused to licentiousness.

Excerpt from the Articles of Capitulation, Yorktown

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By Ben Payne

Source: http://www.mountvernon.org/george-washington/the-revolutionary-war/articles-of-capitulation-yorktown-1781/

Written by Samuel Shaw, aide de camp for Henry Knox, terms negotiated by George Washington, Lord Cornwallis, and others

ARTICLE I. The garrisons of York and Gloucester including the officers and seamen of his Britannic Majesty’s ships, as well as other mariners, to surrender themselves prisoners of war to the combined forces of America and France. The land troops to remain prisoners to the United States, the navy to the naval army of his Most Christian Majesty.
Granted.

Article II. The artillery, arms, accoutrements, military chest, and public stores of every denomination, shall be delivered unimpaired to the heads of departments appointed to receive them.
Granted.

Article III. At twelve o’clock this day the two redoubts on the left flank of York to be delivered, the one to a detachment of American infantry, the other to a detachment of French grenadiers.
Granted.

The garrison of York will march out to a place to be appointed in front of the posts, at two o’clock precisely, with shouldered arms, colors cased, and drums beating a British or German march. They are then to ground their arms, and return to their encampments, where they will remain until they are despatched to the places of their destination. Two works on the Gloucester side will be delivered at one o’clock to a detachment of French and American troops appointed to possess them. The garrison will march out at three o’clock in the afternoon; the cavalry with their swords drawn, trumpets sounding, and the infantry in the manner prescribed for the garrison of York. They are likewise to return to their encampments until they can be finally marched off.

Article IV. Officers are to retain their side-arms. Both officers and soldiers to keep their private property of every kind; and no part of their baggage or papers to be at any time subject to search or inspection. The baggage and papers of officers and soldiers taken during the siege to be likewise preserved for them.
Granted.

It is understood that any property obviously belonging to the inhabitants of these States, in the possession of the garrison, shall be subject to be reclaimed.

Article V. The soldiers to be kept in Virginia, Maryland, or Pennsylvania, and as much by regiments as possible, and supplied with the same rations of provisions as are allowed to soldiers in the service of America. A field-officer from each nation, to wit, British, Anspach, and Hessian, and other officers on parole, in the proportion of one to fifty men to be allowed to reside near their respective regiments, to visit them frequently, and be witnesses of their treatment; and that their officers may receive and deliver clothing and other necessaries for them, for which passports are to be granted when applied for.
Granted.

Article VI. The general, staff, and other officers not employed as mentioned in the above articles, and who choose it, to be permitted to go on parole to Europe, to New York, or to any other American maritime posts at present in the possession of the British forces, at their own option; and proper vessels to be granted by the Count de Grasse to carry them under flags of truce to New York within ten days from this date, if possible, and they to reside in a district to be agreed upon hereafter, until they embark. The officers of the civil department of the army and navy to be included in this article. Passports to go by land to be granted to those to whom vessels cannot be furnished.
Granted.

Article VII. Officers to be allowed to keep soldiers as servants, according to the common practice of the service. Servants not soldiers are not to be considered as prisoners, and are to be allowed to attend their masters.
Granted.

Article VIII. The Bonetta sloop-of-war to be equipped, and navigated by its present captain and crew, and left entirely at the disposal of Lord Cornwallis from the hour that the capitulation is signed, to receive an aid-de-camp to carry despatches to Sir Henry Clinton; and such soldiers as he may think proper to send to New York, to be permitted to sail without examination. When his despatches are ready, his Lordship engages on his part, that the ship shall be delivered to the order of the Count de Grasse, if she escapes the dangers of the sea. That she shall not carry off any public stores. Any part of the crew that may be deficient on her return, and the soldiers passengers, to be accounted for on her delivery.

 

…..

Done at Yorktown, in Virginia, October 19th, 1781.

Cornwallis,
Thomas Symonds.

Done in the Trenches before Yorktown, in Virginia, October 19th, 1781.
George Washington,
Le Comte de Rochambeau,
Le Comte de Barras,
En mon nom & celui du
Comte de Grasse.

Excerpt from “The Reynolds Pamphlet” 1797 with Annotations

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By : Clarisa Colton

Source: https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-21-02-0138-0002

The document I chose is an excerpt from The “Reynolds Pamphlet”, written by Alexander Hamilton.

Transcription:

The charge against me is a connection with one James Reynolds for purposes of improper pecuniary speculation [1]. My real crime is an amorous connection with his wife, for a considerable time with his privity and connivance, if not originally brought on by a combination between the husband and wife with the design to extort money from me [2].

This confession is not made without a blush [3]. I cannot be the apologist of any vice because the ardour of passion may have made it mine [4]. I can never cease to condemn myself for the pang, which it may inflict in a bosom eminently intitled to all my gratitude, fidelity and love [5]. But that bosom will approve, that even at so great an expence, I should effectually wipe away a more serious stain from a name, which it cherishes with no less elevation than tenderness [6]. The public too will I trust excuse the confession. The necessity of it to my defence against a more heinous charge [7] could alone have extorted from me so painful an indecorum.

Before I proceed to an exhibition of the positive proof which repels the charge, I shall analize the documents from which it is deduced, and I am mistaken if with discerning and candid minds more would be necessary [8]. But I desire to obviate the suspicions of the most suspicious [9].

The first reflection which occurs on a perusal of the documents is that it is morally impossible I should have been foolish as well as depraved enough to employ so vile an instrument as Reynolds for such insignificant ends [10], as are indicated by different parts of the story itself. My enemies to be sure have kindly pourtrayed me as another Chartres [11] on the score of moral principle. But they have been ever bountiful in ascribing to me talents [12]. It has suited their purpose to exaggerate such as I may possess, and to attribute to them an influence to which they are not intitled [13]. But the present accusation imputes to me as much folly as wickedness [14]. All the documents shew, and it is otherwise matter of notoriety, that Reynolds was an obscure, unimportant and profligate man [15]. Nothing could be more weak, because nothing could be more unsafe than to make use of such an instrument; to use him too without any intermediate agent more worthy of confidence who might keep me out of sight [16], to write him numerous letters recording the objects of the improper connection (for this is pretended and that the letters were afterwards burnt at my request) to unbosom myself to him with a prodigality of confidence, by very unnecessarily telling him, as he alleges, of a connection in speculation between myself and Mr. Duer [17]. It is very extraordinary, if the head of the money department of a country, being unprincipled enough to sacrifice his trust and his integrity, could not have contrived objects of profit sufficiently large to have engaged the co-operation of men of far greater importance than Reynolds [18], and with whom there could have been due safety, and should have been driven to the necessity of unkennelling such a reptile to be the instrument of his cupidity [19].

But, moreover, the scale of the concern with Reynolds, such as it is presented, is contemptibly narrow  for a rapacious speculating secretary [20] of the treasury. Clingman, Reynolds and his wife were manifestly in very close confidence [21] with each other. It seems there was a free communication of secrets [22]. Yet in clubbing their different items of information as to the supplies of money which Reynolds received from me, what do they amount to [23] ? Clingman states, that Mrs. Reynolds told him, that at a certain time her husband had received from me upwards of eleven hundred dollars [24]. A note is produced which shews that at one time fifty dollars were sent to him, and another note is produced, by which and the information of Reynolds himself through Clingman, it appears that at another time 300 dollars were asked and refused. Another sum of 200 dollars is spoken of by Clingman as having been furnished to Reynolds at some other time [25].What a scale of speculation is this for the head of a public treasury, for one who in the very publication that brings forward the charge is represented as having procured to be funded at forty millions a debt which ought to have been discharged at ten or fifteen millions for the criminal purpose of enriching himself and his friends [26]? He must have been a clumsy knave, if he did not secure enough of this excess of twenty five or thirty millions, to have taken away all inducement to risk his character in such bad hands and in so huckstering a way—or to have enabled him, if he did employ such an agent, to do it with more means and to better purpose [27]. It is curious, that this rapacious secretary should at one time have furnished his speculating agent with the paltry sum of fifty dollars, at another, have refused him the inconsiderable sum of 300 dollars, declaring upon his honor that it was not in his power to furnish it [28]. This declaration was true or not; if the last the refusal ill comports with the idea of a speculating connection—if the first, it is very singular that the head of the treasury engaged without scruple in schemes of profit should have been destitute of so small a sum [29]. But if we suppose this officer to be living upon an inadequate salary, without any collateral pursuits of gain, the appearances then are simple and intelligible enough, applying to them the true key [30].

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Document Transcription: Washington’s Farewell Address

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By: Zac Frederick

Title: George Washington’s Farewell Address

Author: George Washington

Date of Origin: September 19, 1796

[5] The acceptance of, & continuance hitherto in, the Office to which your Suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn.

…

[27] The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissention, which in different ages & countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders & miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security & repose in the absolute power of an Individual: and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.

…

[37] In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular Nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded; and that in place of them just & amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one Nation against another–disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate envenomed and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill will & resentment sometimes impels to War the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the Nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition and other sinister & pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Liberty, of Nations has been the victim.

…

[45] ‘Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent Alliances, with any portion of the foreign World–So far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it–for let me not be understood as capable of patronising infidility to existing engagements, (I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy)–I repeat it therefore, Let those engagements. be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Source: https://context.montpelier.org/document/715#passage-37 (ConText Database)