When it comes to writing or my process of writing, I tend to do things that are seen as unorthodox. I have certain steps that I follow every time I write but I don’t have a specific order. Usually when I am assigned a writing assignment, I block everything out at that exact moment and think of ideas of how I am going to approach this certain type of writing. I ask myself what the topic is, if the topic is something I can make interesting or a topic that I would be better off writing in a generic form. The biggest question I ask myself is how much time I would have to effectively complete the writing without taking too much time out of my daily routine. Once I am clear of what the topic is, I usually get straight to writing. I don’t believe brainstorming is effective. I’d rather just put the idea I have in the writing then later seeing if it works with the message I am trying to relay in the certain writing. Plus brainstorming means that I am spending more time than necessary on the writing. I just try to write whatever comes to my mind on the topic. I find it to be effective because I tend to overthink when trying to find an idea and then I just end up sitting there with a blank mind. I just let whatever comes to my head flow onto the paper. This method could be described as a free write in a way. Once I felt that I have thoroughly completed my writing, I then go back and change some ideas that I put down earlier but usually the finishing product isn’t heavily revised. When it comes to writing, my main goal is create and interesting, creative and informative writing in the least amount of time possible.
Blog Post 4 By JaQuez Jackson
During my time in college so far I’ve learned a lot about the different writing styles and how to approach a piece that I would want to write on. My ideal writing practices are coming up with the research, producing an outline, writing , revisions, and editing. Every time I cover a topic that I’m writing on I always cover those 5 basics. Even though sometimes I may have gotten overwhelmed when writing along with getting off topic I knew eventually I would pick up a strategy. Moreover, the more I wrote, the more I begin to figure out my style. I feel as though writing has gotten easier for me for the simple fact that practice makes perfect.
It somewhat doesn’t matter what type of environment I’m in while writing because when I’m writing I’m locked in and focused. I usually don’t get distracted by many things but if I had a choice I would prefer a more quiet setting. I feel as though if you’re working in silence it allows you to concentrate more and focus more on the task at hand. It’s safe to say that most people would want their writing setting to be a more type environment and that’s what I would best want my setting to be as well.
Personally I don’t have a favorite writing snack or rewards, but as I continue to perfect my craft that’ll all come rather soon. On the other hand, I love handling deadlines because they give me a challenge and I love challenges. There is a famous saying that my advisor says and it goes, “Pressure either breaks you or makes you stronger.” I’m a firm believer that I shine under pressure and it motivates me to fulfil my tasks. Lastly, Writing overall has helped in big regards, and as I continue to work on it my heights will forever go on!
Dual Correspondences By: Avery Showell
Hamilton-Burr correspondences
Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr
1804
Wikisource, https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Hamilton%E2%80%93Burr_duel_correspondences
Hamilton-Burr correspondences
Burr to Hamilton, June 18, 1804[edit]
N York 18 June 1804
Sir,
I send for your perusal a letter signed Ch. D. Cooper which, though apparently published some time ago, has but very recently come to my knowledge.[1] Mr. Van Ness, who does me the favor to deliver this, will point out to you that clause of the letter to which I particularly request your attention.[2]
You must perceive, Sir, the necessity of a prompt and unqualified acknowledgement or denial of the use of any expressions which could warrant the assertions of Dr. Cooper.[3]
I have the honor to be
Your Obdt. St
- Burr
Hamilton to Burr, June 20, 1804[edit]
N York 20 June 1804
Sir:
I have maturely reflected on the subject of your letter[4] of the 18th Instant, and the more I have reflected, the more I have become convinced that I could not without manifest impropriety make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think necessary.[5]
The clause pointed out by Mr. Van Ness is in these terms[6]: “I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion which General Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr.”[7] To endeavor to discover the meaning of this declaration, I was obliged to seek in the antecedent part of the letter for the opinion to which it referred, as having been already disclosed. I found it in these words: “Genl. Hamilton and Judge Kent have declared in substance that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man, and one who ought not to be trusted with the reins of Government.”[8] The language of Dr. Cooper plainly implies that he considered this opinion of you, which he attributes to me, as a despicable one; but he affirms that I have expressed some other still more despicable; without, however, mentioning to whom, when or where. ‘Tis evident that the phrase “still more despicable” admits of infinite shades from very light to very dark. How am I to judge of the degree intended. Or how should I annex any precise idea to language so vague?
Between Gentlemen despicable and still more despicable are not worth the pains of a distinction.[9] When, therefore, you do not interrogate me as to the opinion which is specifically ascribed to me[10], I must conclude that you view it as within the limits to which the animadversions of political opponents, upon each other, may justifiably extend; and consequently as not warranting the idea of it which Dr. Cooper appears to entertain. If so, what precise inference could you draw as a guide for your future conduct, were I to acknowledge that I had expressed an opinion of you, still more despicable than the one which is particularized? How could you be sure that even this opinion had exceeded the bounds which you would yourself deem admissible between political opponents?
But I forbear further comment on the embarrassment to which the requisition you have made naturally leads. The occasion forbids a more ample illustration, though nothing would be more easy than to pursue it.
Repeating that I can not reconcile it with propriety to make the acknowledgment or denial you desire, I will add that I deem it inadmissible on principle, to consent to be interrogated as to the justness of the inferences which may be drawn by others, from whatever I may have said of a political opponent in the course of a fifteen years competition. If there were no other objection to it, this is sufficient, that it would tend to expose my sincerity and delicacy to injurious imputations from every person who may at any time have conceived that import of my expressions differently from what I may then have intended, or may afterwards recollect.
I stand ready to avow or disavow promptly and explicitly any precise or definite opinion which I may be charged with having declared to any gentleman. More than this can not fitly be expected from me; and especially it can not reasonably be expected that I shall enter into an explanation upon a basis so vague as that which you have adopted. I trust upon more reflection you will see the matter in the same light with me. If not, I can only regret the circumstances and must abide the consequences.
The publication of Dr. Cooper was never seen by me ‘till after the receipt of your letter.
Sir, I have the honor to be
Your Obdt. St
- Hamilton
Burr to Hamilton, June 21, 1804[edit]
N York 21 June, 1804.
Sir,
Your letter of the 20th inst. has been this day received.[11] Having considered it attentively, I regret to find in it nothing of that sincerity and delicacy which you profess to value.[12]
Political opposition can never absolve gentlemen from the necessity of a rigid adherence to the laws of honor and the rules of decorum. I neither claim such privilege nor indulge it in others.
The common sense of mankind affixes to the epithet adopted by Dr. Cooper the idea of dishonor. It has been publicly applied to me under the sanction of your name. The question is not whether he has understood the meaning of the word or has used it according to syntax and with grammatical accuracy, but whether you have authorized this application either directly or by uttering expression or opinion derogatory to my honor. The time “when” is in your own knowledge but no way material to me[13], as the calumny has now just been disclosed so as to become the subject of my notice and as the effect is present and palpable.
Your letter has furnished me with new reasons for requiring a definite reply.
I have the honor to be
Your Obdt. St
- Burr
Hamilton to Burr, June 22, 1804[edit]
N York 22 June 1804
Sir,
Your first letter, in a style too peremptory, made a demand, in my opinion, unprecedented and unwarrantable.[14] My answer, pointing out the embarrassment, gave you an opportunity to take a less exceptionable course. You have not chosen to do it, but by your last letter, received this day, containing expressions indecorous and improper, you have increased the difficulties to explanation, intrinsically incident to the nature of your application[15].
If by a “definite reply” you mean the direct avowal or disavowal required in your first letter, I have no other answer to give than that which has already been given. If you mean anything different admitting of greater latitude, it is requisite you should explain.
I have the honor to be, Sir
Your Obdt. St
- Hamilton
Van Ness to Pendleton, June 26, 1804[edit]
Sir,
The letter which you yesterday delivered me and your subsequent communication in Col. Burr’s opinion evince no disposition on the part of Genl. Hamilton to come to a satisfactory accommodation. The injury complained of and the reparation expected are so definitely expressed in his (Col. B.’s) letter of the 21st Inst. that there is not perceived a necessity for further explanation on his part. The difficulty that would result from confining the inquiry to any particular times and occasions must be manifest. The denial of a specified conversation only, would leave strong implications that on other occasions improper language had been used. When and where injurious expressions and opinions have been uttered by Genl. Hamilton must be best known to him and of him only does Col. Burr think it proper to enquire.
No denial or declaration will be satisfactory unless it be general so as to wholly exclude the idea that rumors derogatory to Col. Burr’s honor can have originated with Genl. Hamilton or have been fairly inferred from anything he has said. A definite reply to a requisition of this nature is demanded in Col. Burr’s letter of the 21st Inst. This being refused, invites the alternative alluded to in Genl. H.’s letter of the 20th Inst. It was demanded by the position in which the controversy was placed by Genl. H. on the 22nd Inst., and I was immediately furnished with a communication demanding a personal interview.
The necessity of this measure has not in the opinion of Col. Burr been diminished by the General’s last letter or any subsequent communication which has been received and I am again instructed to deliver you a message as soon as it may be convenient for you to receive it. I beg, therefore, you will have the politeness to inform me at what hour I shall wait on you.
Your most obt. & very hum. Servt.
- P. Van Ness
Works Cited
“Alexander Hamilton Chronology.” PBS, Public Broadcasting Service,
pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/alexander-hamilton-chronology/.
BAKER, THOMAS N. “An Attack Well Directed” Aaron Burr Intrigues for the
Presidency.” Journal of the Early Republic, vol. 31, no. 4, Winter2011, pp. 553-598. EBSCOhost, proxy.kennesaw.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=67091090&site=eds-live&scope=site
Burr, Aaron, and Matthew L. Davis. The Private Journal of Aaron Burr. Vol. 1, Harper &
Brothers, Cliff-Street., 1838, The Private Journal of Aaron Burr, During His Residence of Four …, Volume 1.
Chernow, Ron. Alexander Hamilton. Penguin Press, 2017.
“Competing Visions: Federalists and Democrat-Republicans.” Lumen, Open SUNY Textbooks, courses.lumenlearning.com/suny-ushistory1os2xmaster/chapter/competing-visions-federalists-and-democratic-republicans/.
com, www.dictionary.com/.
Drake, Ross. “Duel!” com, Smithsonian Institution, Mar. 2004,
www.smithsonianmag.com/history/duel-104161025/.
“Founders Online: Enclosure: Charles D. Cooper to Philip Schuyler, [23 April 1804].”
National Archives and Records Administration, National Archives and Records Administration, founders.archives.gov/documents/Hamilton/01-26-02-0001-0203-0002.
“Freedom of Speech Clause.” Revolutionary War and Beyond,
revolutionary-war-and-beyond.com/freedom-of-speech-clause.html.
Gerson, Michael. “Overcoming Adversity: The Childhood of Alexander Hamilton Page
3.” Varsity Tutors, www.varsitytutors.com/earlyamerica/early-america-review/volume-6/alexander-hamilton-childhood-3.
Hamilton, Alexander, James Madison, John Jay. “The Federalist Papers.” The Federalist
Papers, New York Press, 1787. www.let.rug.nl/usa/documents/1786-1800/the-federalist-papers/.
Hamilton, Alexander. Burr, Aaron. “Wikisource, the Free Online Library.” Received by Aaron Burr, Wikisource, the Free Online Library, 20 June 1804, en.wikisource.org/wiki/Hamilton–Burr_duel_correspondences.
Hess, Peter. “The Albany Connections of Burr, Hamilton, and Schuyler …” The New
York History Blog, 14 May 2015,
Landers, Robert K. “DUEL: Alexander Hamilton, Aaron Burr and the Future of
America.” The Wilson Quarterly, no. 1, 2000. EBSCOhost, proxy.kennesaw.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=edsglr&AN=edsgcl.59227692&site=eds-live&scope=site.
Lewis, James E., Jr. “Fallen Founder: The Life of Aaron Burr.” Journal of the Early
Republic, no. 1, 2008, p. 132. EBSCOhost, proxy.kennesaw.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=edsglr&AN=edsgcl.174322765&site=eds-live&scope=site.
Manuel, Lin. “Hamilton Original Broadway Cast Recording.” com, 25 Sept. 2015,
genius.com/7854343.
“Philip Hamilton’s Duel.” org, Public Broadcasting Service,
web.archive.org/web/20160116011455/http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/duel/peopleevents/pande16.html.
Randall, Willard. “Hamilton Takes Command.” com, Smithsonian Institution, 1 Jan.
2003, www.smithsonianmag.com/history/hamilton-takes-command-74722445/.
“The World’s Favorite Online Thesaurus!” thesaurus.com, www.thesaurus.com/.
Sanderson, Edgar, et al. The World’s History and Its Makers: American Statesmen. Vol.
8, E.R. Dumont, 1902, books.google.com/books?id=A1U4AQAAMAAJ&pg=PA410&lpg=PA410&dq=The World’s History and Its Makers: American statesmen&source=bl&ots=_QwYx_nu24&sig=-_KFTBrCOSFeLnH3h_RzGfNrne8&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjdwNmRxNvbAhXCmVkKHTB-CbwQ6AEISTAG#v=onepage&q=The World’s History and Its Makers: American statesmen&f=false.
Stemke, Carrie. “In the Defense of Honor: The Rise and Fall of Dueling in America.”
The Ultimate History Project, ultimatehistoryproject.com/dueling.html.
[1] Burr to Hamilton telling Hamilton that he sent a letter that was published a while ago and is just realizing the he has done so.
[2] Mr. Van Ness is making sure the message is served to Hamilton properly and will explain the importance of why the letter needs to be seen.
[3] Burr wants Hamilton to know the importance and the contribution of Dr. Cooper’s belief.
[4] Hamilton has read and reviewed the letter that he received from Burr to fit his knowledge and thought process.
[5]Hamilton has turned out to be persuaded that he couldn’t without show indecency and make the acknowledgment or repudiation which Burr assumes vital.
[6] Mr. Van Ness pointed what he thought was important about Burr.
[7] General Hamilton has expressed how he felt about Burr which was his opinion to Mr. Van Ness.
[8]The General and Judge have identified Burr to be a risky man, and one who should not to be allowed to hold importance in any aspect of legislature.
[9] Hamilton tries to inform Burr about how he feels by acknowledging that between gentlemen terrible and still more awful are not worth the torments of a qualification.
[10] Hamilton has deep feelings on the position he stands for and which opinions were brought to him does not mean his view has changed.
[11] Burr announces that he has received the letter from Hamilton.
[12] Burr having thought of it as mindfully, he laments to discover in it nothing of that earnestness and delicacy which Hamilton claims.
[13] Burr feels that he just wants Hamilton to understand, no matter when he understands, but just that he gets it.
[14] Hamilton expresses to Burr that his first letter, in a way that is excessively authoritative, made a request, and he believes is phenomenal and will never happen.
[15] Hamilton feels like he opened up to Burr and he did not take his offer to empathize with him but rather did he insult him. He expresses that he is writing the feelings of the previous letter the day he acknowledges the letter.
Hamilton–Burr Duel Correspondences Annotation
Historical Annotation Project
by: Emily Moseley
Title: Hamilton–Burr Duel Correspondences
Author: Alexander Hamilton
Date of Origin:
Letter 2 (Hamilton To Burr) : June 20, 1804
Link: Hamilton–Burr Duel Correspondences Page
Hamilton to Burr, June 20, 1804
N York 20 June 1804[1]
Sir:
I have maturely reflected[2] on the subject of your letter of the 18th Instant[3], and the more I have reflected, the more I have become convinced that I could not without manifest impropriety[4] make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think necessary[5].
The clause pointed out by Mr. Van Ness[6] is in these terms: “I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion which General Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr.”[7] To endeavor to discover the meaning of this declaration, I was obliged to seek in the antecedent part of the letter[8] for the opinion to which it referred, as having been already disclosed. I found it in these words: “Genl. Hamilton and Judge Kent[9] have declared in substance that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man, and one who ought not to be trusted with the reins of Government.”[10] The language of Dr. Cooper[11] plainly implies that he considered this opinion of you, which he attributes to me, as a despicable one; but he affirms that I have expressed some other still more despicable[12]; without, however, mentioning to whom, when or where. ‘Tis evident that the phrase “still more despicable” admits of infinite shades from very light to very dark[13]. How am I to judge of the degree intended. Or how should I annex any precise idea to language so vague?
Between Gentlemen[14] despicable and still more despicable are not worth the pains of a distinction. When, therefore, you do not interrogate me as to the opinion[15] which is specifically ascribed to me, I must conclude that you view it as within the limits to which the animadversions[16] of political opponents, upon each other, may justifiably extend; and consequently as not warranting the idea of it which Dr. Cooper appears to entertain[17]. If so, what precise inference could you draw as a guide[18] for your future conduct, were I to acknowledge that I had expressed an opinion of you[19], still more despicable than the one which is particularized? How could you be sure that even this opinion had exceeded the bounds which you would yourself deem admissible[20] between political opponents[21]?
But I forbear further comment on the embarrassment[22] to which the requisition you have made naturally leads. The occasion[23] forbids a more ample illustration, though nothing would be more easily than to pursue it.
Repeating that I can not reconcile it with propriety to make the acknowledgment or denial you desire, I will add that I deem it inadmissible on principle[24], to consent to be interrogated as to the justness of the inferences which may be drawn by others[25], from whatever I may have said of a political opponent in the course of a fifteen years competition[26]. If there were no other objection to it, this is sufficient, that it would tend to expose my sincerity[27] and delicacy to injurious imputations[28] from every person who may at any time have conceived that import[29] of my expressions differently from what I may then have intended[30], or may afterwards recollect.
I stand ready to avow or disavow promptly and explicitly any precise or definite opinion[31] which I may be charged with having declared to any gentleman[32]. More than this can not fitly be expected from me; and especially it can not reasonably be expected that I shall enter into an explanation upon a basis so vague[33] as that which you have adopted. I trust upon more reflection[34] you will see the matter in the same light with me. If not, I can only regret the circumstances and must abide the consequences[35].
The publication[36] of Dr. Cooper was never seen by me ’till after the receipt of your letter.
Sir, I have the honor to be
Your Obdt. St[37]
A. Hamilton
Historical Annotations Project
Title: Hamilton and Burr’s Duel Correspondence
Author: Alexander Hamilton, Burr
Origin: Wikisource
Link to Origin: https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Hamilton%E2%80%93Burr_duel_correspondences
Date of Origin: June 18, 1804
N York 18 June 1804
Sir,
I send for your perusal a letter signed Ch. D. Cooper which, though apparently published some time ago, has but very recently come to my knowledge. Mr. Van Ness, who does me the favor to deliver this, will point out to you that clause of the letter to which I particularly request your attention.
You must perceive, Sir, the necessity of a prompt and unqualified acknowledgement or denial of the use of any expressions which could warrant the assertions of Dr. Cooper.
I have the honor to be
Your Obdt. St
A. Burr
Hamilton to Burr, June 20, 1804[edit]
N York 20 June 1804
Sir:
I have maturely reflected on the subject of your letter of the 18th Instant, and the more I have reflected, the more I have become convinced that I could not without manifest impropriety make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think necessary.
The clause pointed out by Mr. Van Ness is in these terms: “I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion which General Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr.” To endeavor to discover the meaning of this declaration, I was obliged to seek in the antecedent part of the letter for the opinion to which it referred, as having been already disclosed. I found it in these words: “Genl. Hamilton and Judge Kent have declared in substance that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man, and one who ought not to be trusted with the reins of Government.” The language of Dr. Cooper plainly implies that he considered this opinion of you, which he attributes to me, as a despicable one; but he affirms that I have expressed some other still more despicable; without, however, mentioning to whom, when or where. ‘Tis evident that the phrase “still more despicable” admits of infinite shades from very light to very dark. How am I to judge of the degree intended. Or how should I annex any precise idea to language so vague?
Between Gentlemen despicable and still more despicable are not worth the pains of a distinction. When, therefore, you do not interrogate me as to the opinion which is specifically ascribed to me, I must conclude that you view it as within the limits to which the animadversions of political opponents, upon each other, may justifiably extend; and consequently as not warranting the idea of it which Dr. Cooper appears to entertain. If so, what precise inference could you draw as a guide for your future conduct, were I to acknowledge that I had expressed an opinion of you, still more despicable than the one which is particularized? How could you be sure that even this opinion had exceeded the bounds which you would yourself deem admissible between political opponents?
But I forbear further comment on the embarrassment to which the requisition you have made naturally leads. The occasion forbids a more ample illustration, though nothing would be more easy than to pursue it.
Repeating that I can not reconcile it with propriety to make the acknowledgment or denial you desire, I will add that I deem it inadmissible on principle, to consent to be interrogated as to the justness of the inferences which may be drawn by others, from whatever I may have said of a political opponent in the course of a fifteen years competition. If there were no other objection to it, this is sufficient, that it would tend to expose my sincerity and delicacy to injurious imputations from every person who may at any time have conceived that import of my expressions differently from what I may then have intended, or may afterwards recollect.
I stand ready to avow or disavow promptly and explicitly any precise or definite opinion which I may be charged with having declared to any gentleman. More than this can not fitly be expected from me; and especially it can not reasonably be expected that I shall enter into an explanation upon a basis so vague as that which you have adopted. I trust upon more reflection you will see the matter in the same light with me. If not, I can only regret the circumstances and must abide the consequences.
The publication of Dr. Cooper was never seen by me ‘till after the receipt of your letter.
Sir, I have the honor to be
Your Obdt. St
A. Hamilton
Hamilton and Burr’s “Beef” is one the biggest in US history. Having two political figures butting heads like this was major. One a vice president and the other a founding father. Both hated each other due to different views. Both men were suffering from power trips and their egos are easily shown in the letters they send back and forth to each other. Burr starts the series of letters by sending Hamilton a letter informing him on intel he has received from Dr. Cooper. [1]
Burr sent Van Ness to personally deliver his letter to Hamilton and relay his message clearly so Hamilton understood him. He then requests for his perception of his message. It seems as if Burr was looking for a reaction from Hamilton. [2]
Hamilton then responds days later appearing to be unfazed from the random letter he got from Burr. He responds saying that he can’t perceive his message in any way. He says “ I could not without manifest impropriety make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think necessary”. In the quote he seems to come off as not caring about the situation. He probably did have his own perceptions of the letter but didn’t to share them as a tactic to get under Burr’s skin.[3]
Hamilton seems to understand everything Burr was saying because he then proceeds to dissect what Van Ness, Burr’s messenger, said to him and gave to him.[4] Hamilton then switches around the words of Dr.Cooper and is saying that he said that Burr is not to be trusted in politics. He’s basically discrediting Burr’s source of information on him.[5]
Hamilton then tells Burr that he shouldn’t go looking for problems with other people when he is the only problematic person. The exchanges between the two are in a way, polite disrespect towards each other.[6] Once again the overall length of Hamilton’s letter compared to Burr’s almost three times bigger. This entails that Hamilton did in fact take some notice to Burr’s letter and had a few things to say about it as seen in the response.[7] Hamilton refers to comments being said about Burr from his political colleagues. He also questions how someone of that kind of nature can attain such power over the nation.
Sources
[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Burr–Hamilton_duel
[2] www.history.com/this-day-in-history/burr-slays-hamilton-in-duel
[3] https://www.britannica.com/list/10-things-you-need-to-know-about-the-hamilton-burr-duel-according-to-hamiltons-burr
[4] https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/burr-vs-hamilton-behind-the-ultimate-political-feud
[5] www.americaslibrary.gov/jb/nation/jb_nation_hamburr_1.html
Historical Annotation By JaQuez Jackson
George Washington’s Farewell Address
September 19, 1796
3The period for a new election of a Citizen, to Administer the Executive government of the United States, [1] being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person, [2]who is to be cloathed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice,[3] that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made.
4[4]I beg you, at the sametime, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation, which binds a dutiful Citizen to his country–and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my Situation might imply, [5]I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
5[6]The acceptance of, & continuance hitherto in, the Office to which your Suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire.[7] I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn.[8] The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last Election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you;[9] but mature reflection on the then perplexed & critical posture of our Affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.
6[10]I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; & [11]am persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
7[12The impressions, with which, I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion.[13] In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the Organization and Administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable.[14] Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthned the motives to diffidence of myself;[15] and every day the encreasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome.
[16]In relation to the still subsisting War in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793 is the index to my Plan. [17]Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of Your Representatives in both Houses of Congress,[18] the spirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
[19]After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights I could obtain I was well satisfied that our Country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest, to take a Neutral position.[20] Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverence & firmness.
[21]The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every Nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of Peace and amity towards other Nations.
[1] This a long way of explaining the historical events of the presidential election of 1796 that consisted between John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and Thomas Pinckney. Washington stepped down and did not return for a third term and changed the history for us all. Whoever administers the executive branch is the leader of our country, which is the president.
[2]This part of the address refers to us as people, and us as a nation to select the person we fell the most comfortable with to be the leader of our country. This called an election and whoever gets the most votes from the people in our country will be our next president.
[3]What Washington means as he says “resolution I have formed” that since he is the first president of America he created a pattern that was probably the most vital point in American history. Also with him coming up with the two-term system was big as well. He also did not want to be among them because his time was up. This man was the true founding father!
[4]This part is explaining that in this country the people truly hold all power. That we should also put our minds to where we think carefully about Washington new system and produce an environment that will not cause disturbances. He put high emphasis on that so that the world could have order and continue to work hard.
[5]Washington had heavy impact on the America’s change of the as we know it today. What he was trying to explain was that he is thankful of all the love and respect he has received and how much support he has got on becoming president. Moreover, he is saying that having a defined leader and having support is helpful towards society.
[6]We as Americans have freedom! The people have the say so in almost every situation possible. When we as people chose to be our leader is our choice. We make the choice because we see the potential in one individual to fulfill our desire so that the country could get better as a whole. In this country, choices are everything. It falls on the desire of us “the people”.
[7]Washington is explaining that he wishes earlier in his time as president he wished he had reasons to do certain things. On the other hand, I believe as he was getting older and having a mindset that for once he could make a change, he began to think things over and provided change.
[8]This tells us that he was prepared to give us this election a long time before he actually gave it, That he thought long and hard about the moment of him giving the farewell address. It was of strong desire to do so said by him so that would mean he might have always planned for the two-term system and potentially stepping down from office. This was big because if that were not the case many people would think that presidency is a long-term deal.
[9]Adding on to his previous statement, in the process of him thinking of the Farewell Address, he wanted to put high emphasis on the mature level of it in a way that the citizens could see that their opinions matter. The feedback from the people gave him great confidence in office.
[10]Washington is celebrating how the people’s concerns no longer gives him the pursuit of desire of good duty and proper behavior. This allowed him to become very comfortable in office. He knew different citizens were going to have their opinions, so he was not going to stress making sure he did whatever to please everyone. You are either going to like it or not.
[11]He is explaining that he is convinced that whatever unfair liking he was receiving while in office must be contained within his services. Ultimately meaning that he did not want the dis approval from his people upon his decision to step down as president. Sure people were going to have their opinions but they never should go against a decision that changed America in a positive way. Although he wanted no dis approvals, that did not put shade on the fact that most people’s desire for him to stay was still high.
[12]Washington wanted to let everyone know that he knew what he had to do coming into office and he did it to the best of his ability. Some of the things he did may not have been right but it was not as though he always made the wrong decisions. He was like by many if not all. Washington had the most important presidency reign to me because he would go on to set the standard of what needs to go on in office.
[13]Everything he did or was trying to do was help our country as much as possible. Washington is letting us know that he has played a vital role in contributing to this country in many different ways. He gave the organization hard work of which an imperfect judgement was then capable.
[14]When dealing with things of a serious matter, like being the first president of America the comfort level has to be there and experience maybe key. He is explaining that without the conception from citizens or people within that hierarchy he had much experience in his own eyes, more than the in the eyes of others.
[15]Washington is expressing the fact that every day while in office, the weight upon his shoulders grew larger and larger. This began to bring to his attention that retirement was necessary. The case with people as a whole is nobody wants to feel like they have to do too much, so when they do it causes stress. I feel as though being the president of a country of this magnitude requires a very strong state of mind, but even that may not be enough. Washington was intelligent in that area and he knew many to come after him would struggle in trying to withstand the continuation of presidency. His two-term policy saved the value of presidency in my belief.
[16]Washington is stating that his survival of war in Europe was the basis of the plan for his proclamation announcement on April 22, 1793. Ant type of war is hard for anyone who takes part in it. By him explaining the trials and tribulations of the war, it gave Washington a great acknowledgment on what his plans were in his announcement.
[17]During this lustrous Proclamation announcement, it gave him great pleasure to hear the approving voices from the people on what he announcement had to offer. He wanted to stress the importance of the positive feedback from the people that were there.
[18]He is explaining that the overall spirt of the people’s approval was so great that it took his mind off those who tried to diminish it. Moreover, it continued to govern him and get him through the process of him having a strong mindset that the people were behind him.
[19]After his carefully planned examination with the help from his best lights, he was confident in belief of the status of the country. Moreover, I was in strong approval that were the country was at that time was a great starting point in the direction in which he intended for it to go.
[20]Washington wanted to let society know that everything should depend on him, good or bad. This was because as a leader of the country you make decisions to where everything you do the country should already be depended on you, especially if we saw fit to elect you as our first president.
[21]Washington held a neutral conduct that maybe was guessed based upon what was known. However, without anything more from his obligations of justice and humanity it imposed will on every other nation outside of America. Moreover, with the conduct of freedom to act, to maintain the untouched peace and friendship of other Nations.
Works Cited
Bradley, H. W. (1945). The political Thinking of George Washington. The Journal of Southern History , 469-486.
Brownson, J. D. (2000). The Presidency of George Washington. Mount Vernon Ladies Assn of the.
Deconde, A. (1796). Washinton Farewell, the French Alliance, and Election of 1796. Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 641-658.
Ferling, J. (2010). The ascent of George Washington: The hidden political genius of an American Icon . Bloomsbury Publishing USA.
Ferling, J. E. (210). A life of George Washington. Oxford University Press.
Flexner, J. T. (1783-1793). George Washington and the new nation. Little, Brown and Company .
George Washington. (n.d.). Retrieved from history.com: https://www.history.com/topics/us-presidents/george-washington
Heffner, R. D. (2002). A documentary history of the United States . Univ. of Press of Mississippi.
Leckie, R. (1992). George Washington’s War. the saga of the American Revolution .
Lengel, E. G. (2005). A Milatary Life . Random House .
Marshall, J. (2015). The Life of George Washington . Skyhorse Publishing, Inc.
McDonald, F. (1974). The Presidency of George Washington. University Press of Kansas .
Morrison, J. H. (2009). The political philosophy of George Washington. JHU press.
Schwartz, B. (1990). George Washington: The Making of an American Symbol . Cornell University Press.
Southall Douglas Freeman, J. A. (1948). George Washington, a biography .
Trevelyan, G. O. (1907). The American Revolution. Longmans, Green, and Company .
Washington, G. (1793). The Proclamation of Neutrality. 472-74.
Washington, G. (1796). George Washington’s Farewell Address.
Washington, G. (1810). Washington’s Farewell Address to the people of the United States . John L. Cook .
Washington, G. (1972). A biography in his own words . Vol.2.
Washington, G. (2014). Farewell Address. September 17. 1796, 173.
Wiencek, H. (2003). George Washington, His Slaves, and the Creation of America . Macmillan.
Historical Annotation Project: Washington’s Farewell Address
By: Zac Frederick
Title: George Washington’s Farewell Address
Author: George Washington
Date of Origin: September 19, 1796
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the Office to which your Suffrages have twice called me,[1] have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire.[2] I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power,[3] consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard,[4] to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn.[5]
…
The alternate domination of one faction over another,[6] sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissention,[7] which in different ages & countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism.[8] But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism.[9] The disorders & miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security & repose in the absolute power of an Individual:[10] and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction more able or more fortunate than his competitors,[11] turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.[12]
…
In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular Nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded;[13] and that in place of them just & amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated.[14] The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave.[15] It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest.[16] Antipathy in one Nation against another–disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.[17] Hence frequent collisions, obstinate envenomed and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill will & resentment sometimes impels to War the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy.[18] The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject;[19] at other times, it makes the animosity of the Nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition and other sinister & pernicious motives.[20] The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Liberty, of Nations has been the victim.[21]
…
‘Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent Alliances, with any portion of the foreign World–[22]So far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it–for let me not be understood as capable of patronising infidelity to existing engagements,[23] (I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy)–[24]I repeat it therefore, Let those engagements. be observed in their genuine sense.[25] But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.[26]
Historical Annotation Project: Hamilton to Burr
by Noah Hammond
N York 20 June 1804
Sir:
I have maturely reflected on the subject of your letter of the 18th Instant[1], and the more I have reflected, the more I have become convinced that I could not without manifest impropriety make the avowal or disavowal which you seem to think necessary[2].
The clause pointed out by Mr. Van Ness[3] is in these terms: “I could detail to you a still more despicable opinion which General Hamilton has expressed of Mr. Burr.[4]” To endeavor to discover the meaning of this declaration, I was obliged to seek in the antecedent part of the letter for the opinion to which it referred, as having been already disclosed[5]. I found it in these words: “Genl. Hamilton and Judge Kent[6] have declared in substance that they looked upon Mr. Burr to be a dangerous man, and one who ought not to be trusted with the reins of Government.[7]” The language of Dr. Cooper plainly implies that he considered this opinion of you, which he attributes to me, as a despicable one; but he affirms that I have expressed some other still more despicable; without, however, mentioning to whom, when or where[8]. ‘Tis evident that the phrase “still more despicable” admits of infinite shades from very light to very dark. How am I to judge of the degree intended. Or how should I annex any precise idea to language so vague[9]?
Between Gentlemen despicable and still more despicable are not worth the pains of a distinction. When, therefore, you do not interrogate me as to the opinion which is specifically ascribed to me, I must conclude that you view it as within the limits to which the animadversions of political opponents, upon each other, may justifiably extend[10]; and consequently as not warranting the idea of it which Dr. Cooper appears to entertain. If so, what precise inference could you draw as a guide for your future conduct, were I to acknowledge that I had expressed an opinion of you, still more despicable than the one which is particularized[11]? How could you be sure that even this opinion had exceeded the bounds which you would yourself deem admissible between political opponents[12]?
But I forbear further comment on the embarrassment to which the requisition you have made naturally leads[13]. The occasion forbids a more ample illustration, though nothing would be more easy than to pursue it[14].
Repeating that I can not reconcile it with propriety to make the acknowledgment or denial you desire[15], I will add that I deem it inadmissible on principle, to consent to be interrogated as to the justness of the inferences which may be drawn by others, from whatever I may have said of a political opponent in the course of a fifteen years competition[16]. If there were no other objection to it, this is sufficient, that it would tend to expose my sincerity and delicacy to injurious imputations[17] from every person who may at any time have conceived that import of my expressions differently from what I may then have intended, or may afterwards recollect[18].
I stand ready to avow or disavow promptly and explicitly any precise or definite opinion which I may be charged with having declared to any gentleman[19]. More than this can not fitly be expected from me; and especially it can not reasonably be expected that I shall enter into an explanation upon a basis so vague as that which you have adopted[20]. I trust upon more reflection you will see the matter in the same light with me[21]. If not, I can only regret the circumstances and must abide the consequences[22].
The publication of Dr. Cooper was never seen by me ‘till after the receipt of your letter[23].
Sir, I have the honor to be
Your Obdt. St
A. Hamilton
Historical Annotation Project: Articles of Capitulation
By Ahad Khatri
(Title: “Articles of Capitulation, Yorktown“
Author: George Washington
Date of Origin: The original document was signed October 19th, 1781
Website of Origin: http://www.mountvernon.org/george-washington/the-revolutionary-war/articles-of-capitulation-yorktown-1781/
Excerpt from the Articles of Capitulation (Articles 4 through 11; I thought these were the most interesting parts about the articles in general))
Document
Article IV.[1] Officers are to retain their side-arms.[2] Both officers and soldiers[3] to keep their private property of every kind; and no part of their baggage or papers to be at any time subject to search or inspection. The baggage and papers of officers and soldiers taken during the siege to be likewise preserved for them.[4]
Granted.[5]
It is understood that any property obviously belonging to the inhabitants of these States, in the possession of the garrison, shall be subject to be reclaimed.[6]
Article V. The soldiers to be kept in Virginia, Maryland, or Pennsylvania,[7] and as much by regiments as possible, and supplied with the same rations of provisions as are allowed to soldiers in the service of America.[8] A field-officer from each nation, to wit, British, Anspach, and Hessian, and other officers on parole,[9] in the proportion of one to fifty men to be allowed to reside near their respective regiments, to visit them frequently, and be witnesses of their treatment; and that their officers may receive and deliver clothing and other necessaries for them, for which passports are to be granted when applied for.[10]
Granted.
Article VI. The general, staff, and other officers not employed as mentioned in the above articles, and who choose it, to be permitted to go on parole to Europe, to New York, or to any other American maritime posts at present in the possession of the British forces, at their own option;[11] and proper vessels to be granted by the Count de Grasse[12] to carry them under flags of truce to New York within ten days from this date, if possible, and they to reside in a district to be agreed upon hereafter, until they embark. The officers of the civil department of the army and navy to be included in this article. Passports to go by land to be granted to those to whom vessels cannot be furnished.[13]
Granted.
Article VII. Officers to be allowed to keep soldiers as servants, according to the common practice of the service. Servants not soldiers are not to be considered as prisoners, and are to be allowed to attend their masters.[14]
Granted.
Article VIII. The Bonetta sloop-of-war to be equipped, and navigated by its present captain and crew, and left entirely at the disposal[15] of Lord Cornwallis[16] from the hour that the capitulation is signed, to receive an aid-de-camp to carry despatches to Sir Henry Clinton;[17] and such soldiers as he may think proper to send to New York, to be permitted to sail without examination. When his despatches are ready, his Lordship[18] engages on his part, that the ship shall be delivered to the order of the Count de Grasse, if she escapes the dangers of the sea.[19] That she shall not carry off any public stores. Any part of the crew that may be deficient on her return, and the soldiers passengers, to be accounted for on her delivery.
Article IX. The traders are to preserve their property, and to be allowed three months to dispose of or remove them; and those traders are not to be considered as prisoners of war.[20]
The traders will be allowed to dispose of their effects, the allied army having the right of preemption.[21] The traders to be considered as prisoners of war upon parole.
Article X. Natives or inhabitants of different parts of this country, at present in York or Gloucester, are not to be punished on account of having joined the British army.
This article cannot be assented to, being altogether of civil resort.[22]
Article XI. Proper hospitals to be furnished for the sick and wounded. They are to be attended by their own surgeons on parole; and they are to be furnished with medicines and stores from the American hospitals.[23]
Eliza + Hamilton + History: A Historical Annotation Project
By: Adair Garrett
[Camp near Dobbs Ferry, New York]
[July 10, 1781][1]
The day before yesterday, my angel[2], I arrived here, but for the want of an opportunity could not write you sooner. Indeed, I know of none now, but shall send this to the Quarter Master General[3] to be forwarded by the first conveyance to the care of Col. Hughes.[4] Finding when I came here that nothing was said on the subject of a command, I wrote the General a letter[5] and enclosed him my commission. This morning Tilghman[6] came to me in his name, pressed me to retain my commission, with an assurance that he would endeavor by all means to give me a command[7] nearly such as I could have desired in the present circumstances of the army. Though I know my Betsy[8] would be happy to hear I had rejected this proposal, it is a pleasure my reputation[9] would not permit me to afford her. I consented to retain my commission and accept my command.[10]
I hope my beloved Betsy will dismiss all apprehensions for my safety; unhappily for public affairs, there seems to be little prospect of activity, and if there should be Heaven will certainly be propitious to any attachment so tender, so genuine as ours.[11] Heaven will restore me to the bosom of my love[12] and permit me to enjoy with new relish the delights which are centred there. It costs me a great deal to be absent from them, but the privation is certainly only temporary.[13] I impatiently long to hear from you the state of your mind since our painful separation.[14] Be as happy as you can, I entreat you, my amiable, my beloved wife. But let not absence deprive me of the least particle of your affection.[15] Always remember those tender proofs I have so frequently given you of mine and preserve for me unabated the only blessing which can make life of any value to me.[16]
I write your father all the military news.[17] I have barely seen Mr. Carter[18] and delivered him the letters which your amiable father committed to my care. You are of a charming family my Betsy.[19] I shall not easily forget the marks of parting regret which appeared in both your sisters.[20] Assure them of everything my heart is capable of feeling for the lovely sisters of a lovely wife.[21]
I quarter at present by a very polite and very warm invitation with General Lincoln.[22] I experience every mark of esteem from the officers of both armies.[23] As soon as possible, I shall begin housekeeping myself. Mr. Carter and I are four miles asunder. Tomorrow morning I shall see him again.[24] He is in good health and the principal French officers[25] express great satisfaction at his conduct.[26]
My good, my tender, my fond, my excellent Betsy, Adieu. You know not how much it must ever cost me to pronounce this word. God bless and preserve you.[25]
A Hamilton
[New York]
[July 10, 1804][28]
My beloved Eliza
Mrs. Mitchel is the person in the world to whom as a friend I am under the greatest Obligations.[29] I have ⟨not⟩ hitherto done my ⟨duty⟩ to her.[30] But ⟨resolved⟩ to repair my omission as much as ⟨possible,⟩ I have encouraged her to come to ⟨this Country⟩ and intend, if it shall be ⟨in my po⟩wer to render the Evening of her days ⟨c⟩omfortable. But if it shall please God to put this out of my power and to inable you hereafter to be of ⟨s⟩ervice to her, I entreat you to d⟨o⟩ it and to treat ⟨h⟩er with the tenderness of a Sister.[31]
This is my second letter.[32]
The Scrup⟨les of a Christian[33] have deter⟩mined me to expose my own li⟨fe to any⟩ extent rather than subject my s⟨elf to the⟩ guilt of taking the life of ⟨another.⟩[34] This must increase my hazards & redoubles my pangs for you. But you had rather I should die inno⟨c⟩ent than live guilty.[35] Heaven can pre⟨se⟩rve me ⟨and I humbly⟩ hope will ⟨b⟩ut in the contrary ⟨e⟩vent,[36] I charge you to remember that you are a Christian.[37] God’s Will be done.[38] The will of a merciful God must be good.[39]
Once more Adieu[40] My Darling darling Wife[41]
A H
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